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  • 51.
    Balendran, Mina
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    Effektivitet på bekostnad av demokrati?: En fallstudie om hur demokrati- och effektivitetsvärden präglar Göteborgs stads EU-arbete.2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this paper is to examine whether Gothenburg city maintains democracy, more specifically through a citizen perspective of the international work in the European Union. To examine democracy the essay will use Lundquists theory about democracy values and efficiency values, this to discern whether or not there are such values in their document about policy and guidelines for international cooperation in Gothenburg city. The paper will also discuss the results in relation to Dahl’s discussion about democracy vs efficiency. To fulfill the purpose, the paper uses a theory-consuming method. This due to the fact that the method places the case as the main object for the research, and not the theory. Furthermore,

    the method does not have the purpose to generalize the results. To be able to ascertain if there is such values in the policy document, the method contains a schedule with democracy values and efficiency values. The intent of the schedule is to find different ”sentences/keywords” in the document that fits under these different values. After the audit of the policy document, and after sorting out the sentences and the keywords under the schedule, the conclusion is that there are democracy and efficiency values in the policy document. Due to the fact that the purpose was not to measure the quantity of these values in the document, you cannot draw a conclusion of how ”many” it contains. Furthermore, the paper comes to the conclusion that there are some differences in the theoretical definition and the policy document. In relation to Dahl’s discussion, the conclusion is that the policy document maintains democracy values, but you cannot assert exactly to what extent.

    Keywords: European Union, Gothenburg city, democracy, efficiency.

  • 52.
    Behnam, Beyan
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper. Karlstads universitet.
    Turkiets väg mot ett EU-medlemskap: En studie utifrån socialkonstruktivismens perspektiv på mänskliga rättigheter2011Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 15 poäng / 22,5 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    This essay deals with the relationship between the EU – Turkey. The aim is to examine how the EU thinks of Turkey on human rights in the light of social constructivism. My questions can be summed to the EU views on Turkey about human rights, what criteria should Turkey fulfill to become a member of the EU and how described Turkey’s relations with EU from a perspective on social constructivism.

    My analysis and my conclusions drawn from Thomas Risse’s and Kathryn Sikkink’s theory of social constructivism in which they have compiled this by a spiral model.

     

    Keywords: EU, Turkey, human rights, social constructivism

  • 53.
    Belander, Kerstin
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    Försörjningsstöd och lokalsamhälle: En explorativ studie om låga försörjningsstödskostnader i Säffle kommun2014Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to illustrate if structural factors to welfare indicators and the internal organisation of handle social assistance in combination with dominating ways of living with their values and norms can be used to explain why the costs of social assistance are low in Säffle township. The character of this study is exploratory, though important aspects in this case was unknown. The empiricism come from descriptive secondary statistics and from qualitative interwievs with three inhabitants in Säffle, whom are experts which means they know the township of Säffle and it´s inhabitants well. Säffle has been studied from four perspectives, of which the first two have a top- or macroperspective. In the study appears two divergent pictures. In the first macroperspective, the planning perspective, are several structural factors that used to imply high costs of social assistance. The level of education is low in Säffle, and the unemployment is high, especially among the young people. However there are positive structural factors that seem to counteract or ease the effects of the negative factors. The character of Säffle is high promotion of Self-employed and farmers. The high promotion of self-employed and farmers and their traditions of supply from many sources can be important reasons for the inhabitants of Säffle getting by without asking for help at the public institutions. In the second macroperspective, that focus on individual welfare indicators, the study shows that the inhabitants of Säffle have a low level of ill health respect several of the welfare indicators. In the mesoperspective the study shows that causes to low costs of social assistance in Säffle are not to be found in organisation or methods for handle the social assistance. The study indicates in a microperspective that the inhabitants in Säffle may have a traditional way of being and have values and norms that it is worthily to fend for oneself in exposed situations and that it is unworthy to ask for social assistance. The informants tell that the privat social relations of the inhabitants in Säffle indicates a divided place with solid groups hard to break. If there are norms and values in the group that says it is unworthy to ask for social assistance, though you might be entitled, there is a strong reason not to ask for social assistance. Though my empiricism about the norms and values of the inhabitants in Säffle are limited, the area is important and interesting for further studies. The social services in Säffle should look for better processing routines for handling the social assistance and to develop and improve the information about rights and obligations for the social assistance. Increasing costs for social assistance in Säffle hereafter would be motivated because of the non take up of social assistance that probably exists in Säffle.

  • 54.
    Bele, Daniel
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Synen på ett svenskt Nato-medlemskap: En kvalitativ studie av Sveriges tre största partiers uppfattning rörande ett svenskt Nato-medlemskap.2015Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to analyze the connection between the perceived security policy threat and the view of a solution on the matter offered by the three biggest political parties of Sweden. These three parties are the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Sweden Democrats. By studying these parties’ perceived point of view regarding the Swedish security policy threat, focusing Russia, and their opinion concerning a Swedish Nato-membership, opens up for the possibility of making conclusions whether each parties’ opinion regarding a Swedish membership of Nato is based on their assumption of what they believe are to be the current Swedish security policy treat, or if there might be, totally or partly, other aspects behind each parties’ opinion concerning a Swedish membership of Nato.

    The purpose of this essay is to be answered with help from the following research questions:

    1. What are the standpoint regarding the current Swedish security policy threat, focusing Russia, for the Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats?

    2. In what extent are the Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats standpoint regarding a Swedish Nato membership based on their point of view concerning the current Swedish security policy threat, focusing Russia?

    The theoretical framework of the essay is based on Allison & Zelikow´s rational choice model "The Rational Actor".

    The material used, in order to answer these two questions, consists of party programs, motions from the Defense committee and interviews with defense representatives from each of the three parties. The answer to question number one indicates that the Moderate Party and the Social Democratic Party, to a large extent, describes a similar threat whilst the Sweden Democrats is slightly different because of their focus of the interstate military threat.

    Research question number two is answered by analyzing the answer of question number one through "The Rational Actor model". The analyze shows that the Moderates is the party that, to the greatest extent, base their standpoint concerning a Swedish membership in Nato on their assumption of the current security policy threat, focusing Russia. The Sweden Democrats to a certain extent and the Social Democrats is the party that to the least extent base their standpoint concerning a Swedish Nato-membership on their assumptions of the Swedish security policy threat, focusing Russia.

    Some of the reasons behind the answer of question number two could partly depend on the fact that the Moderate Party is a historically traditional conservative party where questions concerning a strong defense and a clear approach to the western countries always has played an important role.

    The Social Democratic Party, on the other hand, has for a long time been in favor of a Swedish non-alignment policy, which entails them having invested a great deal of political capital in to this question. In terms of the Sweden Democrats, the author, notes that they do not have as firm standpoint as the other two parties have, concerning their views about the Swedish non-alignment policy. Due to this fact it is not all together out of question that the Sweden Democrats would support either a Swedish membership of Nato or a continued Swedish non-alignment policy, in exchange for influence in other political polices that would have higher priority for the party.

  • 55.
    Bergh, Gustaf
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    På svenska villkor? Ja, fast nej!: En europeisering av Sveriges försvarspolitik?2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This study explores the Swedish non-alignment policy from a European Union perspective. Spanning the period 1995-2018, i.e. from the year when Sweden joined the European Union to the present day, the study concerns the way the EU membership has affected Sweden’s defence policy. Given a variety of noted political decisions and developments, mainly in terms of Swedish defence policy propositions during the target period, the key question presents itself as follows: Does the Swedish membership undermine its possibilities to remain as a true case of non-alignment? To be able to answer this question, the study will look into the extent to which the Swedish policy can be seen as a case of Europeanization regarding its EU membership. Thus, the investigation takes as its starting-point the theory of Europeanization. Relying on a variety of previous research, the discussion uses this theory to provide a perspective of this concept as “Goodness of fit”, essentially an analytical tool for identifying processes and changes within this framework. On a practical level, this means that if the different terms and policies fit perfectly between the union and its member states, there is no need for a change. On the other hand, if there is incompatibility in this context, a process of Europeanization is likely to be identified through the lens of “Goodness of fit”. In general terms, it is concluded that the Swedish defence policy has gradually assumed more of a European identity. Arguably, the country’s official non-alignment policy raises questions for its future involvement in the union. Rather, there is indication that political rhetoric has been only one side of the coin, practical reality another. Yet, one thing is clear: it all seems to happen on Swedish terms.

  • 56.
    Bergkvist, Karolina
    et al.
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Kirlić, Nedim
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Nationalism, främlingsfientlighet och islamofobi i politiken: En studie av fyra europeiska partier2008Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
  • 57.
    Bergström, Liza
    Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Political Participation: A qualitative study of citizens in Hong Kong2006Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    “Political participation”

    - A qualitative study of citizens in Hong Kong

    Thesis in Political Science, D-level

    Author: Liza Bergström

    Tutor: Michele Micheletti

    On July 1, 1997 China resumed its sovereignty over Hong Kong. Ever since long before the handover until today scholars ask whether and how the changes in Hong Kong’s political status are affecting politics in Hong Kong. This paper is situated in this on-going academic debate. Its purpose is to investigate whether system changes are affecting the participation of citizens in politics in Hong Kong.” It asks: What, if anything, has the new political situation meant for the political participation in Hong Kong?

    Two perspectives have been used to answer the purpose, a structural approach and an actor-oriented approach. Five research questions have served as the starting point for my analysis and I have answered the general question on the basis of them.

    1. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe they have the ability to participate in politics, that the political system facilitates their participation in politics?

    2. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe that China tries to repress Hong Hong’s political rights?

    3. How do the citizens of Hong Kong participate in politics?

    4. How do the citizens of Hong Kong view their own political participation?

    5. Do the citizens of Hong Kong object to the political situation in Hong Kong?

    Empirical materials for this study have been collected in qualitative interviews with six citizens of Hong Kong, that is people who are Hong Kong Chinese. The conclusion is that the new political situation has not meant a lot for the political participation in Hong Kong. The answer of the general question from a structural approach is that the political system to a certain extent prevents the respondents from participating politically. On the basis of the actor-oriented approach the answer to the general question is that the new political situation has not meant anything for the political participation in Hong Kong.

  • 58.
    Björk, Stefan
    Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap. Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Kultur kontra regler: En fallstudie av omorganisering i offentlig sektor2006Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the subject of change in public administration from an instrumental and an institutional structure perspective. The purpose of the thesis is to examine whether institutional structures affect the development of instrumental structures and if it in turn is possible to affect institutional structures by changing the instrumental structures. This case study is primarily based on a series of deep interviews with senior administrators and politicians within two new administrations in the municipality Karlstad, both which have been created by merging several smaller administrations, but also thorough analysis of several official document such as protocols from the municipal council meetings, Tjänsterskrivelser and internal PMs.   The result of the analysis indicates that both institutional structures and the forming instrumental structures affect each other and  that their ability to affect each other depends on the dominance over the organization each structure has.  In my specific research case we can see that the institutional structure of the city-technical and housing administration has affected the outcome but the institutional structure of the cultural and tourism administration hasn’t.  While the structural change of the city-technical and housing administration hasn’t effected the institutional structure but the structural change of the cultural and tourism administration has affected the institutional structure of this specific administration.

  • 59.
    Björkegren, Ylva
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Sida ur ett lilberalfeministiskt perspektiv: Finns jämställdhetsidéer av liberalfeministiskt slag i Sidas bistånds - och utvecklingspolitik?2008Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Essay in Political Science, C – level, by Ylva Björkegren, spring semester 2008. Tutor: Anna Spånning. “Sida from a liberal feministic perspective. Are there gender equality-ideas of liberal feministic kind in Sidas aid – and development policy?”

    The purpose of this essay is to study if Sidas aid – and development policy reflect gender equality. I aim to do this by applying liberal feministic thoughts on gender and development. Liberal feminism is here seen as that men and women should have the same responsibilities and rights in all spheres of society. My research question is as follows: Are there gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy?

    Connected to this question are three variables: Entrepreneurship, Ownership and Education. By examining if Sida promotes gender equality in their work within these variables I aim to answer my research question. I examine this by counducting interviews with Sida-personnel and by, with a qualitative approach, studying Sida-documents and publications.

    I perform this research by conducting a comparative case – study; I compare and study Bangladesh and Ethiopia within these variables.

    I also conduct a general discussion on wether these variables can have an effect on the level of development in these countries. Development is in this essay expressed through three indexes; Human Development Index, Gender – related Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measure.

    My delimitation lies in the fact that I only compare two countries. I believe that I would get a more generalizable result if I would have compared say all fifty LDC-countries. The fact that I only study three variables is also a delimitation.

    The answers to my research question is that Yes – there are gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy. I have also found that my variables are variables that are likely to have an influence on the level of development. I am also very well aware of the fact that there are lots of other variables, that I have not examined, which also have that influence on development.

    Key words: gender, gender equality, development, entrepreneurship, ownership, education, Bangladesh, Ethiopia

  • 60.
    Björling, Ameli
    Karlstads universitet. Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    CSR och politisk konsumtion: - en studie av Nikes och Pumas CSR- rapporter2010Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    “CSR and political consumption – a study of Nike’s and Puma’s CSR-reports”

    The purpose of this dissertation is to examine if political consumption has influenced multinational corporations to improve their Corporate Social Responsibility reports and policies more, than a company who has not been a target for political consumption.

    This dissertation is a content analysis of Nike’s and Puma’s first (Nike 2001, Puma 2001) and latest (Nike 2007/09, Puma 2007/08) CSR- reports. Archie Carroll’s model of Corporate Social Responsibility is used as theoretical framework in this study. The model is used to focus on four areas within CSR; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic. There has been delimitation in these four areas. Considering the economic area the study focuses on minimum wage, the legal area is focusing on minimum age, the ethical area is focusing on dialogue with stakeholders and control of suppliers and the philanthropic area is focusing on non-profit organization, projects and programs.

    The results indicate that political consumption in the case of Nike, has no impact on the company to improve their CSR-report but they have improved their policy against CSR. In comparison to Nike, Puma has changed more from the first report until the latest. This could be because it is more generally popular to work with CSR today. Compared to Puma, Nike has changed more considering their policy against CSR. 

    Keywords: Archie Carroll’s Pyramid of Corporate Social Responsibility, Change, Corporate Social Responsibility Report, Multinational Corporations, Nike, Policy, Political consumption, Puma

  • 61.
    Bjørkquist, Catharina
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, Avdelningen för politiska och historiska studier.
    Stakeholder Influence in Higher Education: Old Ideas in New Bottles?2009Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation deals with how national higher education policy affects stakeholder influence in practice, i.e. how two selected higher education institutions, the University of Oslo and Telemark University College, have interpreted and adapted to national policy reforms. The aim of this dissertation is threefold. First, four stakeholder regimes: the expert, welfare, bargaining and entrepreneurial regimes, are developed. Second, these stakeholder regimes are used to investigate the evolvement of norms and structures for stakeholder influence over time, i.e. approximately 40 years, at the University of Oslo and Telemark University College, respectively. Third, historical institutionalism is used at an organisational level in order to reveal the evolvement of continuity and change in stakeholder influence at these two institutions.

    This dissertation argues that the two higher education institutions have both undergone an evolvement of stakeholder influence in three phases where the two first phases have paved the way for the ultimately dominant characteristics of the entrepreneurial regime. At the same time, the analysis shows that the initial institutional legacies of the University of Oslo and Telemark University College differed. The University of Oslo had an established institutional legacy where the professors had the most influence, whereas the participation of other internal stakeholder groups became part of the legacy during the 1970s. Recently, ideas of strong leadership have been added to the legacy. In contrast, the institutional legacy of Telemark University College was based on cooperation with external stakeholders already from the outset of the period studied here.

    On a general level, this dissertation argues that policy is more likely to change practice if the changes are incremental and introduced as layering modes of change on the structural aspects of the regime models. Along with these incremental changes – where the University of Oslo and Telemark University College become more alike in several aspects – both higher education institutions display a number of continuous practices; cooperation with external stakeholders is one example which can be traced back to the early stage of this study. However, Telemark University College initially opened up more to the outside world than the University of Oslo.

  • 62.
    Blomberg, Max
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    Skogen brinner: Ett naturligt experiment på retrospektiv röstning efter skogsbränderna i Värmland 20182020Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The wildfires of 2018 became one of the most extensive in Sweden’s modern history. The Värmland region was with its forested landscape and highly important forest industry one of the most affected regions in Mid-Sweden. The burnt area had a total range of over 600 square miles corresponding approximately 850 fully sized football fields. Within the scientific literature there haven’t been any former studies on how wildfires affect the retrospective voting mechanism in a representative democracy. The theory of retrospective voting is found under the assumption that voters base their vote on the incumbent’s performance. In the context of natural disasters, voters can choose whether to reward or punish the incumbent for its crisis response. Previous research has empirically proven that crisis response, in event of a natural disaster, can be a crucial element for the outcome of a general election. The purpose of this study has been to investigate if there was a punishment effect on the incumbent party, the Social Democrats, for their crisis response in the Swedish national and local election of 2018 (in the Värmland region). Voters living in more fire-affected municipalities in Värmland is expecting to generate a larger punishment effect than of voters from less effected municipalities. To measure the potential punishment effect individual data from the SOM-institute’s ”Värmlandsundersökning” from 2014 and 2018 has been used to identify a change between the two elections. The methodological approach of this study is a natural experiment as the wild fires were randomized over the region and therefore is expecting to create a variation. To be able to measure a potential difference a multivariate OLS regression analysis with robust standard errors has been used. The result of the study shows no significant punishment effect in the support for the Social Democrats, neither on a national nor on a local level. The voters are rather neutral to the incumbent’s crisis response. One implication of the study is that the support for the Social democrats in the local election follows the trend of former research. The overall conclusion is that the voters in the Värmland region don’t appear to have adopted an equally critical attitude towards the government’s crisis management as the media and the political opposition.

  • 63. Blomqvist, Helén
    Från konflikthantering till konfliktlösning: om möjligheter utifrån språkperspektiv2002Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 64. Blomqvist, Helén
    Förändring av internationella regimer: en fallstudie av Världsbanken 1975, 1985 och 20002000Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 65.
    Bock, Joacim
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Delar av Sverige ska leva!: En studie av legitimitetsfaktorerna för svenska regionsammanslagningar2014Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med den här studien är att med hjälp av en diskursanalys undersöka hur Ansvarskommittén, genom den parlamentariska utredning som gjorts, legitimerar att Sverige behöver slå samman sina regioner. Det är den här utredningen som ligger som till för den debatt som idag förs vad gäller regionalisering och regionsammanslagningar i Sverige. För att utföra diskursanalysen har studien gjorts med hjälp av Carol Lee Bacchis ”What´s the problem represented to be?”, som grund för min analysmodell. Analysmodellen syftar till att undersöka hur aktörer konstruerar problem genom de lösningar som föreslås. Efter att ha granskat Ansvarskommitténs slutbetänkande noggrant, är min slutsats att utredningen legitimerar regionsammanslagningar genom framförallt tre stycken diskurser. Dels genom nyregionalism som även är övergripande för de andra två diskurserna. De andra diskurserna är europeisering, som syftar till att anpassa de svenska regionerna efter den Europeiska Unionen. Och dels en tillväxtdiskurs som innebär att regionerna ska kunna upprätthålla sin egna tillväxt- och konkurrenskraft mot andra regioner. Det blir således regionerna som ska bygga statens välstånd och inte staten som ska upprätthålla regionernas välstånd på det sättet som välfärdstaten är uppbyggd på.

  • 66.
    Bodas, Julia
    Karlstads universitet.
    FN och barn i väpnade konflikter: En kvalitativ studie om hur FN motiverar sitt arbete mot användande av barnsoldater i Demokratiska republiken Kongo2019Studentarbete andra termin, 5 poäng / 7,5 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats undersöker hur FN motiverar och förklarar sitt arbete mot användandet av barnsoldater i väpnade konflikter. Uppsatsen syftar även till att redogöra för hur barnsoldaten framställs av FN och vilka normativa idéer som kan identifieras i deras argumentation mot fenomenet. Detta görs för att tydliggöra och få en ökad förståelse för hur problematiken kring barnsoldater beskrivs. Då ämnet i sin helhet är väldigt stort har en avgränsning gjorts och undersöker därför enbart hur situationen i Demokratiska republiken Kongo ser ut. För att besvara uppsatsens frågeställningar används en kvalitativ innehållslig idéanalys vilket lämpar sig bra med uppsatsens syfte. Det empiriska materialet, bestående av dokument utgivna av FN själva, analyseras sedan utifrån det begreppsliga ramverket mänskliga rättigheter.  Argumentationen som blir synlig påvisar att FN i stor utsträckning argumenterar utifrån ett perspektiv om mänskliga rättigheter där barnsoldaten främst ses som ett offer av den rådande konflikten. Ett barn ska ha rätten att vara just barn och utifrån principen om barns bästa så behövs denna grupp skyddas. I analysen diskuteras även ett flertal problemområden så som internationellt gällande åldersgränser och vem som kan hållas ansvarig, då detta kan tänkas påverka effektiviteten i arbetet mot barns deltagande i väpnade konflikter. 

  • 67. Boström, Magnus
    et al.
    Føllesdal, Andreas
    Klintman, Mikael
    Micheletti, Michele
    Sørensen, Mads
    Political Consumerism: Its Motivations, Power and Conditions in the Nordic Countries and Elsewhere2005Rapport (Refereegranskat)
  • 68.
    Bozorgi, Ronak
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Attitudes and Adaptation Towards the EU: A Case Study of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party2010Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 20 poäng / 30 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1) Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, (2) Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, (3) Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, (4) Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? and (5) Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study.

    The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.

  • 69.
    Bozorgi, Ronak
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Den finansiella nedgångens påverkan för politikers aktivitet: En studie av LiV2008Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    Essay in political science, C-level, by Ronak Bozorgi, fall semester 2007. Tutor:

    P.O. Norell. “The affect of financial decline on politician’s activity. A study of LiV.”

    The purpose of this essay is to examine if financial decline affect the activity of the politicians. It is important to shed light on politician’s activity since it is connected to the principal of representation. I study if the decline affects the activity in a specific case, landstinget i Värmland (LiV), and my method is thereby a case study. Activity is measured as raising bills and more precisely I measure three aspects of this particular form of activity. The aspects lead to the specific questions (1) Does financial decline lead to fewer raised bills in the case landstinget i Värmland? (2) Dose financial decline affect the characteristic of the bills in the case landstinget i Värmland? (3) Dose financial decline affect how the politicians in the bills express there own representative roll in the case landstinget i Värmland?

    The theoretical framework is based on theories about financial problems (besparingsteorier) and their hypothesis that financial decline leads to a lower degree of activity is in focus for analyse of the first question. The technique I use to answer the questions is to examine the financial situation parallel to the numbers of bills raised, the characteristic of the bills and the roll expressed in the bills. In this way it will be reviled if the aspects do change at a decline or not. For the empirical part of the study I use primary sources in the form of economic accounts and bills. Other sources are academic literature, a rapport and oral sources between others. The two most important delimitations of the study is the time frame which reaches from the year 1982 up to 2007 and the fact that activity is measured at raising bills.

    My conclusion is that financial decline does affect the activity of the politicians in the case landstinget i Värmland, but that the hypothesis of the theories about financial problems is falsified. The decline does not lead to fewer raised bills (the empirical results indicate the opposite), it does affect the characteristics of the bills and it also affect how the politicians express their representative roll.

  • 70.
    Brage, Hannes
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Socialdemokraterna och bostadspolitiken2011Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 71.
    Broman, Anders
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, Avdelningen för politiska och historiska studier.
    Att göra en demokrat?: Demokratisk socialisation i den svenska gymnasieskolan2009Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This study focuses upon the extent that teaching about democracy affects pupil comprehension and opinions about democracy. Its point of departure is the question, “to what extent is school an agent of democratic socialization?” The overall aim of this study is to contribute to understanding the democratic socialization process and especially to understand the role that school can play in that process.

     

    The study is comprised of a survey about democratic values, democratic institutions and democratic authorities completed by 318 upper secondary pupils upon two occasions. The first was just prior to the start of the course, “Samhällskunskap A” and the second was at the end of that course. The survey also included a number of background questions related to each individual participant; 28 pupils in one of the schools who had not yet studied “Samhällskunskap A” were used as a control group. Twelve teachers involved in actual teaching at that time were interviewed regarding their attitudes toward the official documents about democratic socialization and whether or not they saw the goals as articulated in those documents as possible to achieve.

     

    Based upon theories about democratic socialization and socialization agents, a number of conditions and problems were formulated and operationalized in order to analyse the outcome of the study. Three main concepts were used as analytical tools: democratic orientations, democratic socialization and socialization agent.

     

    The results do not support the assumption that school can be seen as a general democratic socialization agent through teaching about politics and democracy. But certain situations and aspects of democratic orientations demonstrate that the school has a tendency to affect socialization; therefore school is seen as a specific democratic socialization agent. The main conclusion of this study is that teaching about politics and democracy is expected to have limited influence on pupils in upper secondary school. Also important is the finding that the pupil’s average change on the aggregate level is low, but on individual level, many pupils made significant changes regarding their democratic orientations during the course. The results support a view that the process of democratic socialization is a complex process and is difficult to predict.

  • 72.
    Brouwer, Peter
    et al.
    Apeldoorn, The Netherlands.
    Staal, Klaas
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Handelshögskolan (from 2013).
    The Democracy of the Future: Do Voters Want It?2018Ingår i: Homo Oeconomicus, ISSN 0943-0180, Vol. 35, nr 1-2, s. 133-141Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Frey (Homo Oeconomicus 34(1):1–9, 2017) makes several proposals to reform and extend democracy. In this contribution, we first consider the desirability of these proposals from the point of view of a rational self-interested individual. We then conduct a questionnaire to quantify the actual support among voters. It turns out that many proposals lack support in both cases. We conclude that in making such proposals, one has to take into account not only pre-existing democratic institutions but also the support such proposals can expect from rational self-interestedindividuals.

  • 73.
    Bryntesson, Anna
    Karlstads universitet.
    Unga Kommunpolitiker: Varför blir vissa unga kommunpolitiker, hur upplever de att det är och vad tycker de ska göras för att engagera fler unga inom politiken?2006Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    C-essay in political science by Anna Bryntesson

    Supervisor: Michele Micheletti

    Spring 2006

    “Young municipality politicians - Why some young people become municipality politicians, how they think it is and

    what they think should be done to engage more young people in politics?”

    The Swedish municipalities have problem with that they doesen´t have many politicians under 30 years. Many of the young people who become politicians drop out after a short while. The conclusion of this is that the Swedish municipalities have problems to engage young people in politics.

    The purpose of this essay is to study and try to find out what young people think about politics? This is done with personally interviews with 7 young municipality politicians from the municipality of Eda.

    The specific research questions are:

    • Who are they which became young municipality politicians?

    • What was the reason that they became politicians?

    • How do they look at municipality politics?

    • Which roll and function does the young people have as a municipality politician?

    • What do they think should be done to get more young people to engaged in politics and become a municipality politician?

    The young Eda politician is a girl living in a house in the country and she has middle education. Many of the young politicians in Eda has become politicians because their parents has asked them if the want to be a politician. They think that politics is hard but fun. Their roll is to look at think in a new way. Politicians need to go to schools and tell the kids in school what they do a a politician to try to make young people more intrested in politics. The teory that is more usually that men is engaged in politics than womans isn´t right in Eda. Because there among the young peolpe more womans than men are engaged.

  • 74.
    Bröchner, Jan
    et al.
    Chalmers tekniska universitet.
    Granberg, MikaelKarlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013). Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa, natur- och teknikvetenskap (from 2013), Centrum för klimat och säkerhet (from 2013).
    Klokare upphandling2018Samlingsverk (redaktörskap) (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 75.
    Bäckström, Jakob
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap.
    Kommunalt självstyre i en (ny)regional kontext: En diskursnanalys om regionala dimensioner på kommunal planering2015Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fyra statliga offentliga dokument för att se vad problemen är representerade att vara som leder politiken mot en riktning där den kommunala planeringen, i form av den fysiska planeringen och bostadsförsörjningsplaneringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till ett regionalt perspektiv. Syftet med denna uppsats blir således också att analysera villkoren för det kommunala självstyret när en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i ökad utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till den regionala nivån.

    Den här uppsatsen teoretiska- och metodologiska ansats bygger på ett vetenskaplig paket av Carol Bacchi. Hennes ansats studerar problemrepresentationer och för att besvara den här uppsatsen övergripande frågeställningar använder jag mig av ett diskursanalysverktyg som är inspirerad utifrån hennes ansats.

    Den empiriska analysen visar att en av problemrepresentationerna är att det pågår en regionförstoring med växande funktionella regioner. En annan problemrepresenation som framträder i de undersökta dokumenten är att det anses vara betydande av en ökad samordning av den kommunala planeringen. Det kommunala planmonopolet, som är en del av det kommunala självstyret, problematiseras att vara av stor vikt i de undersökta dokumenten, men att det finns brister i tillämpningen m.m. Alla dessa problematiseringar ovan som funnits i de undersökta dokumenten kan spåras till en diskurs där hållbar utveckling, konkurrenskraft och tillväxt är det självklara och eftersträvansvärda. Villkoren för kommunalt självstyre kan förstås på det sättet att en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till en nyregional logik som bygger på en viss typ av politik med en konsensustradition.

  • 76.
    Börjeson, Filippa
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper. Karlstads universitet.
    Att förstå omorganisationer: En studie av det svenska krisberedskapsområdet 2000-2010 2010Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 77.
    Börjeson, Filippa
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Den relationella kommunen?: En intervjustudie av privat/offentlig samverkan inom krishanteringsområdet på kommunal nivå i Värmlands län2012Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 78.
    Caffyn, Alison
    et al.
    University of Birmingham.
    Dahlström, Margareta
    University of Birmingham.
    Spencer, Ken
    University of Birmingham.
    Rogers, Steve
    University of Birmingham.
    Rural Proofing for Local Authorities2002Ingår i: Local Governance, Vol. 28, nr 4, s. 273-286Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Theconcept of rural proofing, identified by the Government in its Rural WhitePaper, involves identifying whether new or existing policies will havedifferential impacts in rural areas and considering adjustments orcompensations to address these. The article examines how local authorities canput rural proofing into practice at the local level. Based on researchundertaken for the Countryside Agency, it considers how local authority policyand decision making processes can lend themselves to rural proofing andmitigate differential impacts in rural areas. A localised rural proofingchecklist is drawn up and a range of issues associated with implementing such amechanism are debated. Conclusions are drawn as to how local authorities cantake rural proofing forward.

  • 79.
    Callejas Gidlund, Dennis
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    Lika barn leka bäst: En jämförande studie av Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas partiprogram 1990-20132014Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    C-essay in political science by Dennis Callejas Gidlund, ht-14. Supervisor: Freddy

    Kjellström.

    “Great minds think alike. An comparativa study of the Social Democrats and the

    Moderates parties programme 1990-2013.”

    The purpose with the essay is to examine if the Social Democrats and the Moderates have

    gotten closer within labor market policies, education policies and also within the view of

    migration and integration. My research questions are; have the Social Democrats and the

    Moderates gotten closer within: 1) Labor market policies, 2) Education policies, 3) The view

    of migration and integration between 1990-2013. My method is to read party programmes

    from both parties starting year 1990 and 1993, 2001 and 2013, by using this approach I will

    see how the parties have developed alongside each other within the areas of subject.

    My conclusions are that the two parties have gotten closer within labor market policies and

    education policies. In the case of labor market policies it is the Moderates that have gotten

    closer the Social Democrats and its rhetoric surrounding the worker’s secure units and the

    Social Democrats have gotten closer the Moderates by wanting facilitates for companies.

    When it comes to the education policies the Social Democrats and the Moderates have had

    similar opinions since 1990, but in the party programme for year 2013 the Social Democrats

    states that Sweden needs more options for the public operating mode of education, something

    that they previously rejected and the Moderates advocated. Concerning the integration and the

    migration the two parties have had almost identical opinions between the years 1990-2013.

  • 80.
    Carbin, Maria
    et al.
    Umeå universitet.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå universitet.
    Jämställdhet i akademin: En avpolitiserad politik2012Ingår i: Tidskrift för Genusvetenskap, ISSN 1654-5443, E-ISSN 2001-1377, nr 1/2, s. 77-97Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 81.
    Cornbert, Emma
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    #MeToo-rörelsens effekt på den offentliga förvaltningen: En kvalitativ analys av massmedias effekt på den politiska processen i beslutet om en samtyckeslagstiftning byggd på friviliighet2019Studentarbete andra termin, 5 poäng / 7,5 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna studie syftar till att analysera effekten som media och framförallt MeToo-rörelsen haft på den svenska riksdagens beslut om en skärpt sexualbrottslag byggd på frivillighet. Med hjälp av dagordningsteorin analyserar studien massmedias möjlighet att forma den politiska agendan. Genom att spåra den politiska arbetsprocessen från statens offentliga utredning till beslutet om ett införande av en samtyckesreglering, synliggörs inte bara vilka beslut som tas utan också vilken grund det finns till besluten. Studien undersöker därmed även hur riksdagens motiverar till valet att godkänna propositionen om en samtyckesreglering baserad på frivillighet. Studiens resultat baseras utifrån den 2016 års statliga utredning om skärpt sexualbrottslag, regeringens propositions 2017/18:177 och Justitieutskottets betänkande i ärende om skärpt sexualbrottslag.

    Studien synliggör de tidigare statliga utredningar om skärpt sexualbrottslag och även de brister som tydliggjorts som existerar i svensk lagstiftning för att slutligen analysera kopplingen mellan MeToo- kampanjen och beslutet om skärpt sexualbrottslagstiftning. Studien visar att den feministiska kampen för ett jämställt pågått under en lång period men att MeToo-kampanjen kan ha varit en bidragande faktor till att beslutet om en samtyckesregleringen byggd på frivillighet slutligen röstades igenom av riksdagem. Slutsatsen blir därmed att massmedia kan ha format den politiska dagordningen och på så vis även beslutet om en samtyckesreglering byggd på frivillighet. 


  • 82.
    Dahllöw, Eric
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    En tillbakablick på leden: En utvärdering av föreningen Värmlandsleders arbetsprocess2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The goal of this study was to investigate whether the association Värmlandsleder work process is an example of how collaborative governance works. To do this I have conducted an evaluation of the work process of the association Värmlandsleder. I have used semi structured interviews and have interviewed members in the association to gather materials for the study.What the study has showed is that Värmlandsleders work process is close to the process in collaborative governance, but it does not go all the way. The area where there is the largest development needed is trust building but there is also room for development in face to face dialogue, shared understanding and intermediate outcomes. In trust building there was no traces of collaborative governance and for Värmlandsleder to react collaborative governance there is much work needed in that part of the collaborative governance process. The only part of the process where there was no room for improvement was commitment to the process.

  • 83. Daniel, Jovic
    Mer än bara en militärövning: En kvalitativ analys av regeringens lagrådsremiss gällande samförståndsavtalet för värdlandsstöd2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 84. Denk, Thomas
    Att förstå secession2003Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 85. Denk, Thomas
    Inför valet och kvalet: Studie om intentioner inför valet 2002 hos värmländska väljare och förstagångsväljare2002Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Inför val har väljare två beslut att fatta. Det första beslutet handlar om huruvida de ska delta i valet. Det andra beslutet handlar om vilket parti som de ska rösta på. I denna forskningsrapport presenteras en studie om hur värmländska väljare och förstagångsväljare drygt en månad före valet 2002 tänkte inför dessa två beslut. Resultatet av studiens analyser är att flertalet av väljarna hade som intention att delta i valet, men att det fanns en betydande osäkerhet inför valet av parti och att en överraskande stor andel saknade primära partisympatier. Av analyserna framkommer att säkra väljare hade större politiskt förtroende och starkare politiskt engagemang än osäkra väljare. Studien konstaterar också att förstagångsväljarna hade andra intentioner inför valet och politiska förhållningssättet än övriga väljare. Förstagångsväljare var mer osäkra i sina intentioner, samtidigt som de hade större politiskt förtroende och svagare politiskt engagemang

  • 86. Denk, Thomas
    Staten som transfererare - komparativ studie om statliga transfereringssystem2000Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 87.
    Denk, Thomas
    Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Värmland och euron: Studie om de värmländska väljarnas ställningstagande i och inställning till EMU-folkomröstningen2004Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Den 14 september 2003 genomfördes folkomröstningen om införandet av euron i Sverige. Resultatet blev ett klart nej. Det fanns emellertid regionala skillnader i väljarnas ställningstagande. Väljare i en del län röstade i större utsträckning på jaalternativet, medan väljare i andra län var mer kritiska än genomsnittet. Ett av dessa kritiska län var Värmland. Varför fanns denna regionala skillnad i väljarnas ställningstagande?

    I denna studie analyseras de värmländska väljarnas ställningsstagande i EMU-folkomröstningen. Vilka argument hade de värmländska väljarna för sitt ställningstagande? Vilken betydelse hade partisympatier? Påverkade kampanjen inför folkomröstningen väljarnas ställningstagande? Hur intresserade var väljarna? Fanns det skillnader mellan grupper? Vilken betydelse hade identitet och förtroende för deras ställningstagande? Studien uppmärksammar också folkomröstning som beslutsmetod. Vad tyckte väljarna om folkomröstningen? Vilken inställning till folkomröstning som beslutsmetod hade väljarna?

    Folkomröstningen om införandet av euron i Sverige blev dramatisk. Ett par dagar före folkomröstningen avled dåvarande utrikesministern Anna Lindh av de skador som hon fick i samband med ett knivöverfall dagen före. Vilken betydelse fick denna dramatiska händelse för väljarna? Studien analyserar händelsens betydelse för de värmländska väljarnas valdeltagande, ställningstagande och inställning till folkomröstningen.

  • 88. Denk, Thomas
    Värnpliktsutbildningen ' en politisk socialisationsagent?1999Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 89. Denk, Thomas
    et al.
    Tryselius, Kristina
    Att höja procenten. En rapport om valdeltagande och förslag till röstmobiliserande aktiviteter2006Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 90.
    Di Baldassarre, Giuliano
    et al.
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden, Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden & IHE Delft Institute for Water Education, Delft, The Netherlands.
    Nohrstedt, Daniel
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Mård, Johanna
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Burchardt, Steffi
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Albin, Cecilia
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Bondesson, Sara
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden, Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden & Swedish Defence University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Breinl, Korbinian
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Deegan, Frances
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Fuentes, Diana
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Girons Lopez, Marc
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Geography, University of Zurich, Switzerland.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa, natur- och teknikvetenskap (from 2013), Centrum för klimat och säkerhet (from 2013). Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden.
    Nyberg, Lars
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa, natur- och teknikvetenskap (from 2013), Centrum för klimat och säkerhet (from 2013). Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden.
    Rydstedt Nyman, Monika
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa, natur- och teknikvetenskap (from 2013), Centrum för klimat och säkerhet (from 2013). Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden.
    Rhodes, Emma
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Troll, Valentin
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Earth Sciences, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Young, Stephanie
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Swedish Defence University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Walch, Colin
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden & Department of Political Science, UC Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA.
    Parker, Charles F
    Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science (CNDS), Sweden & Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    An integrative research framework to unravel the interplay of natural hazards and vulnerabilities2018Ingår i: Earth's Future, ISSN 1384-5160, E-ISSN 2328-4277, Vol. 6, nr 3, s. 305-310Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
  • 91. Dimitrakopoulos, Dimitris
    et al.
    Miles, Lee
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, Avdelningen för politiska och historiska studier.
    Page, Edward C.
    Wurzel, Rudiger
    Better Regulation of Utilities in Europe1998Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This working report commissioned by a leading think tank in Brussels examined the common challenges for policy-makers in four states in monitoring the Utilities sector in Europe

  • 92.
    Djureinovic, Lejla
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Förutsättningar för Bosnien-Hercegovinas väg mot ett EU-medlemskap: En studie med fokus på Bosnien-Hercegovinas politiska situation idag2014Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina ended in 1995 and since then the political structure has been shared between the three ethnic groups in the country, Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitution is characterized by the Dayton peace agreement which has existed in the country since the war ended. Dayton peace agreement succeeded to create peace between the three groups, but failed to get a stable and growing society. The main purpose with this essay was to find out why Bosnia and Herzegovina are failing to reach a European Union membership. My conclusion is that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s current policy is the same as it was when the Dayton peace agreement was applied in country’s constitution in 1995. Changes need to be done in order that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political structure should be developed. As it stands now an EU membership is far away for Bosnia and Herzegovina.

  • 93.
    Dobrota, Nenad
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    The Palić Process: Post-conflict impunity and national interests2008Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Essay in political science, D-level by Nenad Dobrota

    Spring 2008, Tutor: Hans Löden

    The Palić Process

    Post-conflict impunity and national interests

    Since the beginning of the conflict in former Yugoslavia, war crimes issues in the newly emerged countries have been dealt with in a matter more closely related to the nationality of perpetrators and victims than to the pursue of transitional justice. Result of early war crimes judgements show strong ethnical bias in the three examined countries, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia. At the same time, existing national constitutional and legislative bans in the three bordering countries prohibiting direct extradition of nationals and transfer of cases regarding serious crimes has rendered a milieu where impunity for war crimes suspects is possible. This regional challenge is known as the Impunity Gap.

    During late 2004, OSCE instigated cross-border cooperation between war crimes prosecutors and judges known as the Palić Process emerged, focusing on the resolution of the Impunity Gap by legal and technical means.

    Drawn upon the theories of Martha Finnemore on forming of national interest thru a process of socialisation and convergence in accordance with the overall context of ruling international values, where Humanitarian Law and Transitional Justice have become dominating ideas during the last decades, I seek to examine the following question;

    Is the Palić Process, as a means of bridging the Impunity Gap, imposed or self-sought cross-border cooperation?

    My conclusions, stemming from the examined national motives going into the process, the results and the institutionalization of the process, and the perceived satisfaction level among the regional prosecutors dealing with war crimes, is that although humanitarian law issues are high on the international agenda and although regional cooperation is a natural step in the persecution of war crimes committed in former Yugoslavia, other reasons than converging national interest have been propelling the process. Its instigation and functioning can primarily be ascribed to domestic or international pressures combined with linking of central strategic goals of the regional states with the issues of rule of law and war crimes proceedings.

  • 94.
    Dobrota, Nenad
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Time standing still?: Mänskliga rättigheter i Serbien 20062007Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Essey in political science, C-level by Nenad Dobrota

    Spring 2007, Tutor: Anders Broman

    Time standing still?

    Human rights in Serbia 2006

    The aim of this essay is twofold; I will firstly describe and discuss human rights practices in Serbia during 2006 and secondly use this information in order to explain the motives behind the human rights violations being committed.

    Using a theorethical framework that has grown out of two decades of research seeking the factors behind human rights crimes throughout the world, I will try to explain the current situation for human rights in Serbia. I will seek to answer the following question;

    What reasons lie behind lingering human rights violations in Serbia?

    Based on the earlier quantitative research which points to the existance of three broad models for explaining human righs violations, I will brake down the overall question into three sub-questions

    Can the situation be explained through the use of political explanatory models?

    Can the situation be explained through the use of economic explanatory models?

    Can the situation be explained through the use of cultural/ideologic/psychologic explanatory models?

    I have constructed and specified several indicators belonging to each of the explanatory models that guided me through the empirical study to conclude a final answer. My conclusion is that the current situation is a combination of several factors, but that the political explanatory model has the highest accuracy rate in the case of Serbia. Its prime assumption of real or imagined threats causing a regime to try to supress and violate human rights is well in accordance with the Serbian regime and the current situation regarding the final status proposal for its province Kosovo.

  • 95.
    dofs, elin
    Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Demokratisk fred: Resultatet av FN-interventioner ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv2006Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    The UN was established after the Second World War. The organization’s primary goal was to maintain peace among all nations. When the UN intervenes in other states affairs, it is violat-ing the principles it is set to defend, principles of non-intervention and respect for sover-eignty. The outcome from such interventions is very important, a result that can legitimize the action. It is important that interventions give birth to democratic processes and respect for human rights, values that constitute the organisation.

    Why some countries go to war and others don’t is hard to say but one thing can be said about war – democratic states don’t wage war against each other. Thus, democracy would be a guarantee for mutual peace among all nations.

    The purpose of this essay is to find out if the prospects for democracy, as result of UN-interventions, were fulfilled. Did the interventions created conditions for democracy in the future.

    • Did the interventions result in a democratic process?

    • Is there something special in comment for countries with a similar democratic develop-ment?

    • Can the current situation legitimize the actions?

    Cease studies, comparisons between intensions of democracy and the current situation, is one way to find an answer to the question mentioned above and will correspond to the purpose of this essay. In order to see the whole picture I will use different criteria to define democracy.

    Democracy and UN-interventions (Karlstad University Press 2002), a disputation by Andreas Andersson, will be my starting point. He states that democracy is an aspect of interventions that many countries consider as most relevant for commitment and legitimacy.

    Not one of the countries can be called a democracy today and the situation for the people has not improved much. The result of the intervention can not give legitimacy to the action. The UN-interventions has consolidated the situation more than creating the necessary conditions for democracy.

    I could not through my research find anything specific that does unite or separate some of the cases. The only thing the countries of my essay have in comment is the lack of success from the UN-interventions, from a democratic point of view.

    The countries are facing many problems that disturb the democratic transition. Discrimination is one obstacle, there can not be a democracy when half of the population is being excluded from the political arena. Illiteracy and restriction of press freedom is an other problem, the Opposition can not reach out to people by newspapers, an important channel for exchange of opinions.

    Democracy in all areas of the community is a way to secure peace and should be a priority even for already democratic states. The next question to be answered, an invitation to further research, is: What do democratic states do in order to deepen and consolidate democracy within their own society?

  • 96.
    Drougge, Samuel
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    The Classical Liberal Theory of State: An Idea Analysis of Classical Liberalism2019Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay investigates the classical liberal theory of state. The purpose is to showcase that adherence to classical liberalism does not entail opposing all state actions outside the realm of preserving property rights and securing the rule of law. The study is based on the following research questions:

    • What is the role of the state, according to classical liberal state theory?

    • Can the state provide welfare services whilst upholding its legitimacy in accordance to classical liberal state theory?

    The method used in producing the answers to the research questions was an idea analysis, utilizing dimensions as the analytical device. The results show that classical liberalism advocates that the state upholds property rights and the rule of law. Additionally, the state ought to provide basic necessities for those in need and establish public institutions for which there exists societal, but not individual, demand for.

  • 97.
    Edlander, Timmie
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013).
    En förändrad integrations- och  migrationsretorik: En studie om hur retoriken i integrations- och migrationsdebatterna i tv-sända partiledardebatter i Sverige har förändrats mellan åren 2010-2015 och efter flyktingkrisen 20162017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
  • 98.
    Ekelöf, Lisa
    Karlstads universitet.
    Könsrelaterat våld: Istanbulkonventionen, Sveriges ansvar och arbete för att skydda kvinnors rättigheter2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender related violence is a recognized problem in today’s society in the world and in Sweden. It is present in all cultures and in all types of societies. The issue has gained more attention in Sweden and in the world in the last decades, and through The Istanbul convention serious action has been taken to try to prevent and eliminate the problem. The purpose with this essay is to examine how Sweden, as a country that has signed and ratified the convention, is working preventive and legislative towards ensuring the human rights for women and towards eliminating gender related violence. The result shows that this is an important political question in Sweden, even before the ratification of The Istanbul convention actions had been taken trying to prevent the violence. After the convention Sweden has coordinated the measures taken against the problem. New government agencies have been established, only working with questions relating to the violence, and existing agencies have been given more responsibility to ensure that information and research will reach as many citizens as possible. The result also shows that Sweden’s government consider that the reason that the problem exists is the norms and the social structures in society. If these norms and structures are changed and equality between genders is obtained the problem with gender related violence will disappear and through that the human rights will not be violated. 

  • 99.
    Elardt, Oscar
    et al.
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Liberg, Emelie
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Gudrun, Per eller kanske Vladimir?: - En studie av svenska kommuners arbete med krisberedskap och civilt försvar2018Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med uppsatsen är att i ett förändrat omvärldsläge, med ett Ryssland som visat sig berett att använda det militära maktmedlet, undersöka hur arbetet med civilt försvar implementeras på kommunal nivå. Detta genom att skapa en bild av hur kommuner arbetar med krisberedskapsplanering och om detta arbete påverkas av lärdomar från tidigare extraordinära händelser. Uppsatsen svarar genom en fåfallstudie av två kommuner på frågeställningarna: Hur har den nationella säkerhetsstrategin från 2017 påverkat kommunernas planering inför och vid extraordinära händelser i fredstid och inför höjd beredskap? Hur påverkar kommunernas tidigare erfarenheter av kriser planeringen? Studien har genomförts som textanalys av kommunala planer och genom intervjuer av tjänstemän och politiker i två mindre småländska kommuner. Empirin har analyserats genom att använda en analysmodell utgående från Lennart Lundquists implementeringsteori. Resultatet visar att det förändrade omvärldsläget inte konkret påverkat arbetet, men bidragit till att ämnet har aktualiserats. Tidigare erfarenheter påverkar kommunernas arbete vilket till viss del ses i planer och styrdokument och till stor del märks i förståelse och inställning. Studiens viktigaste slutsats är att de övningar och utbildningar som bedrivs bör innefatta verksamheten i höjd beredskap och civilt försvar, vilket kommunerna brister i. För att detta skall implementeras krävs tydliga styrningar om vad som ska övas.

  • 100.
    Engstig, Mikael
    et al.
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Björck, Anders
    Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper.
    Handeln i västra Värmland- ett förhållande i förändring: Retailing in western Värmland- a condition in change2008Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen)Studentuppsats
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med vår uppsats är att undersöka några effekter på en definierad region kring Charlottenbergs Shoppingcenter som öppnade hösten 2006. De effekter vi valt att studera är effekten på flödet av människor och kapital. Vårt antagande är att ett köpcentrum påverkar en region utifrån ett funktionellt perspektiv. Vårt antagande är att ett köpcentrum påverkar en region huvudsakligen utifrån så stort upptagningsområde som merparten av besökare, kunder och anställda vid köpcentret bor inom. Forskningsfrågorna rörande effekten på flödet av människor fokuseras på boende och resande besökare, kunder och personal vid köpcentret. Forskningsfrågorna rörande effekten på flödet av kapital fokuseras på etablering, omlokalisering och nedläggning av butiker och serviceställen. Vår typ av studieobjekt, är relativt unik med hänsyn taget till de yttre förutsättningarna i form av perifer glesbygd och riksgräns, och därmed relativt obeforskad. Vi finner det därför bäst att använda oss av en explorativ metod för att bevara vår forskningsfråga. Vi använder oss av litteraturstudier, registermaterialstudier, intervjuer och enkäter. Vår slutsats är att Charlottenbergs Shoppingcenter vad gäller flödet av människor har två funktionella regioner. En funktionell region omfattar kunder och besökare där majoriteten kommer från östra delarna av Hedmarks fylke. Den andra funktionella regionen omfattar anställda i butiker och serviceställen på köpcentret där den dominerande delen kommer från Eda och Arvika kommuner. Vad gäller flödet av kapital finns ingen tydlig funktionell region på samma sätt som för flödet av människor.

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