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  • 1.
    Ahlqvist, Nils
    Karlstad University.
    Att sova med fienden: - Om väljarstöd, blockidentifikation och blocköverskridande styren2017Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Minority- and cross-bloc regimes in Swedish municipalities have more than doubled the last ten years. The phenomenon should be seen in light of the fact that the traditional blocks have lost support in favor of new parties in the municipal parliaments, such as the Swedish Democrats and different local parties. Historically, the municipal political arena is usually described as less ideological than the national arena. Nevertheless, in the 2014 elections, the turnout resulted in formations of weak center-right/center-left minority governments in one third of the muncipalities in Sweden. When municipal elections result in hung parliaments, remarkably many parties seems to favor minority governments instead of establishing cross-bloc majorities. Why? A possible explanation is that the party identification among the swedish electorate has been replaced by a strong bloc identification, which might induce the parties to avoid coalitions that jeopardize the support from bloc identificated voters. But is this fear rational? Do political parties that form cross-bloc coalitions lose more electoral support than parties that form bloc coalitions?

       Thus, the purpose of this study is to provide new knowledge about the Swedish electorate and the impact of bloc identification on Swedish politics, by investigating whether coalition parties election results are related to the choice between bloc and cross-bloc coalitions. This is done by statistical Mann-Whitney tests of election data from Swedish municipal elections between 1994-2014.

       The study shows that the average voter support does not differ significantly for parties in blocs compared to parties in cross-bloc coalitions. The exception is the Social Democratic Party, which on average loses fewer votes in cross-bloc coalitions compared to scenarios in which the party is ruling alone or in a traditional bloc. With these results, the study complement previous research on bloc identification and electoral behavior. Furthermore, the study does not support the hypothesis that a party's electoral support in cross-bloc coalitions differs, depending on whether or not the party is leading the cross-bloc coalition.

       In summary, the study does not provide rational support for non-scientific assumptions that cross-bloc coalitions are associated with particular declining electoral support, despite increasing political mobility and enhanced block identification among the electorate.

  • 2.
    Ahlqvist, Nils
    Karlstad University.
    Håll gränsen!: Centerpartiets försvarspolitik 1912-20152016Student paper second term, 5 credits / 7,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to describe the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy between the years 1912-2015. and try to outline potential ideological changes in their politics during the same period. An ideology analysis is employed for the purpose.

    The analysis is carried out by a method based on ideological ideal types, to which the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy through history are compared to. The ideological ideal types ”liberalism” and ”realism” are aiming to describe the international defense policy, whilst the ideal types ”doves” and ”hawks” are aiming to describe the national defense policy. The use of ideal types, as it is done in this study, is to be seen as a way to bridge the gap between everyday policies and more abstract ideology.

    The result of this study shows that not only has an ideological change taken place in the Swedish Centre Party’s defense policy during the course of history; three major changes are identified and described. The study also shows that the Swedish Centre Party has made an ideological travel from being isolationistic pacifists pre-World War I to approaching a more liberal hawk-influenced defense policy in the 21th Century.

  • 3.
    Alfredsson, Emelie
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences. Karlstad University.
    Ett Förändrat Ledarskap?: En studie av EU:s ledarskap sett ur ett institutionellt perspektiv, kopplat till internationella miljöförhandlingar2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 15 credits / 22,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Political Science, level III thesis

    Spring semester 2010

    Author: Emelie Alfredsson

    Supervisor: Tomas Mitander

    "A Changed Leadership? - A study of the EU leadership from a institutional standpoint, related to multilateral environmental negotiations"

    The EU has for a relatively long time considered itself a leader in the environmental policy area as a whole as well as in multilateral environmental negotiations. This study attempts to classify and identify the European leadership with the purpose of relating it to the institutional framework of the Union. The treaties of the European Union decide its ability to act and its institutions the right to engage in different policy areas, the environmental area being the focus of this study. With the recent ratification of the Lisbon treaty this study aims to make out if the type of leadership the Union showed during the Kyoto negotiations has changed with the new treaty, into a new type during the COP-15 meeting in Copenhagen. The results shows that the Union has kept the same type of leadership despite the change in treaties, though with great potential of changing leadership if or when the new reforms of the new treaty are better implemented. This result points to the fact that institutional changes have a small effect on the EU leadership and that other factors such as ability to unite the member countries may play a bigger role.

    Keywords: EU, leadership, multilateral environmental negotiations, Copenhagen, Kyoto

  • 4.
    Alvarez Cea, Camila
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences.
    Verklighet eller en politisk illusion?: En studie av den svenska pressens syn på sjukförsäkringsreformen i USA.2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Essay in Political Science, C-level, by Camila Alvarez Cea, spring semester 2010.

     

    Tutor: Alf Sundin

    “Reality or a Political Mirage? – A Study of the Swedish Press Views on the Health Insurance Reform in the USA”

     

    The purpose of this essay is partly to examine whether the picture that Swedish press presents of the health insurance reform in the US, which is part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Act bill, will be of crucial importance to the possibilities that the American population has to receive health insurance. The main research question is accordingly: “Does the picture that Swedish press presents of the health insurance reform in the USA, seem like something that will be of radical importance to the possibilities of the population to receive healthcare?” The purpose is also to examine in which model (demand or market) the opinions of the Swedish press fits. This purpose will be answered by using three specific questions asking whether their opinions differ when it comes to three criterions: organization, financing/resources and delivery systems. These criterions come from a model from Milton I. Roemer’s book “National health systems of the world,” which also is the theoretical foundation of this essay.

     

    The methodological approach of this essay is a qualitative text analysis along with an analysis chart, where the three criterions have been examined from the reporting of the four Swedish newspapers chosen for this essay. The conclusions that have been reached from the analysis chart are that the opinions differ greatly within Swedish press, and that the picture that Swedish press presents of the health insurance reform is that it will become easier for the American population to receive health care.

  • 5.
    Andersson, Emmy
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Irans kvinnor: Och deras möjligheter till politisk påverkan2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the actual political conditions that exist for the Iranian women. What is the political reality of the Iranian women and how can they exert political influence within the political system that exists in Iran today. This is done to see how the Iranian women's potential political influence affects Iran's democratic status. This will be answered through the overall research question: What opportunities do the Iranian women have to influence policy? This overall question is then split into three smaller research questions:

    1) What formal possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have?

    2) What real possibilities to political influence do the Iranian women have?

    3) How have women in Iran tried to exert political influence outside the institutional framework?

    This will be done through a qualitative text analysis where texts concerning the Iranian women’s political influence are examined. The theoretical basis for the study is Dahl's theories of an ideal democracy and polyarchy together with radical and liberal feminism.

    The Iranian women have many formal rights and opportunities for political influence given by the Constitution but these are not transferred to reality. The Iranian women have also been active in various political actions to influence their situations and the policies of the country. Because of the fact that women are underrepresented in political institutions, prevented from standing for all political offices and that the government exercises strong control over both women and society Iran cannot be considered to meet Dahl's five criteria for an ideal democracy or the seven institutions necessary for polyarchy. Therefore Iran cannot be regarded as an ideal democracy or as a polyarchy. According to radical and liberal feminism Iran also has a patriarchal political system with a society that supports the male dominance over its women.

  • 6.
    Andersson, Magnus
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Får vi lov?: IKEA:s etablering i Karlstad sett ur ett resursberoendeperspektiv2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    IKEA is probably one of the most well known Swedish companies in the world. During thepast decades millions of people all across the globe have decorated their homes according tothe style of IKEA. But just exactly how big and influential are they? Many, if not to say all,municipalities in Sweden wants IKEA to establish and build their famous stores in one oftheir towns. But at what cost? When deciding on a municipality to establish in, IKEAnormally tends to have an advantage when it comes to controlling the conditions and terms ofthe establishment.To undertake this dissertation I use a theory based upon the inter-organizational theoriescalled resource dependency theory. The theory stresses the importance of controlling andobtaining resources as an organization among other organizations in order to survive. Fromthe theory one can see a pattern that organizations with a lot of resources tend to have biggeradvantage when dealing with other organizations.The question I want to answer was if the municipality of Karlstad has eroded its dominantplane when dealing with strong financial actors like IKEA?This is a case study of IKEA and their establishment in Karlstad. Unfortunately IKEA choosenot to be a part of the thesis due to lack of time. The method used in the dissertation is basedupon interviews with high senior officials that were involved in the establishment in one wayor another. To supplement the interviews a document study was performed.The result of the study is surprising in two ways. First of all the fact that IKEA has been sucha strong actor during the negotiations which gave them nearly whatever they asked for. Thesecond reason is the fact that the municipality has eroded its dominant plane in such anobvious way. If IKEA did want to, they could have built a store where ever they wanted.IKEA is probably one of the most well known Swedish companies in the world. During thepast decades millions of people all across the globe have decorated their homes according tothe style of IKEA. But just exactly how big and influential are they? Many, if not to say all,municipalities in Sweden wants IKEA to establish and build their famous stores in one oftheir towns. But at what cost? When deciding on a municipality to establish in, IKEAnormally tends to have an advantage when it comes to controlling the conditions and terms ofthe establishment.To undertake this dissertation I use a theory based upon the inter-organizational theoriescalled resource dependency theory. The theory stresses the importance of controlling andobtaining resources as an organization among other organizations in order to survive. Fromthe theory one can see a pattern that organizations with a lot of resources tend to have biggeradvantage when dealing with other organizations.The question I want to answer was if the municipality of Karlstad has eroded its dominantplane when dealing with strong financial actors like IKEA?This is a case study of IKEA and their establishment in Karlstad. Unfortunately IKEA choosenot to be a part of the thesis due to lack of time. The method used in the dissertation is basedupon interviews with high senior officials that were involved in the establishment in one wayor another. To supplement the interviews a document study was performed.The result of the study is surprising in two ways. First of all the fact that IKEA has been sucha strong actor during the negotiations which gave them nearly whatever they asked for. Thesecond reason is the fact that the municipality has eroded its dominant plane in such anobvious way. If IKEA did want to, they could have built a store where ever they wanted.

  • 7.
    Andersson, Magnus
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Nationalism och EU: Är konstitutionsmisslyckandet ett resultat av ”ny nationalism”?2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Nationalism and the EU, A threat to further integration?

    Thesis in Political Science (C-level) at Karlstad University by

    Magnus Andersson, Fall 2006

    Tutor: Susan Marton

    This is a comparative study where I am searching for a correlation between nationalism and the attitudes toward the European Union and its development. I am Using Delanty and his theories about cosmopolitism and new nationalism to form an abstract theory and then I use McLaren and Kaldor to operationalize it. Then I use three different methods to examine nationalism and the attitudes towards the EU. I use Pearson’s r, Analytical schedules and categorical data.

    My main research question is

    • Can the result in the referendums be an expression for new nationalism in its material form?

    Then I have two questions that will help me answer my main question.

    • Is there any connection between nationalism and the economic variables?

    • Is there any connection between nationalism and the social variables?

    The material that I have used is mainly from Euro stats, who is a well known and a well recognized statistical database. I have also used SCB (Statistiska Central Byrån) which is the Swedish national statistical unit, and then I have also used Nation master who is an international statistical database who has been recognized internationally.

    After analyzing the material that I have collected I found that there was little correlation between my dependent variable (% of population positive to the new constitution of the European Union) and the independent variables (unemployment rate, Trade, Education and transfer payments). The only variable that showed correlation was transfer payments which showed a very good correlation.

  • 8.
    Andersson, Magnus
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    The Fall of the Ivory Tower: En Diskursanalys av den högre utbildningens policyöverlappning2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 9.
    Andersson, Mattias
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Centerpartiet och kärnkraften: En studie av förändring i ett parti2009Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    D Level Essay in Political Science, Autumn Semester 2008 by Mattias Andersson. Tutor: Alf Sundin. “The Swedish Centre Party and Nuclear Power. A Study of Change in a Political Party”

    The aim of this essay is to examine the policy of the Swedish Centre Party on nuclear power. More exactly the aim is to study if the Centre Party has been going through a change of policy on nuclear power and, if so, how the policy has changed. The essay is about the Centre Party, the Centre Party’s Youth League and the Centre Party’s Women’s Association. The Student Association as well as different special interests in trade and industry with a connection to the Centre Movement have been delimited. The time periods studied are 1979-1988 and 2001-2008. The analysis of the ideology is based on Herbert Tingsten. The various arguments are presented in tables. A couple of concepts from Gunnar Sjöblom have also been used. These are the research questions:

    - Has the Centre Party changed its ideology on nuclear power?

    - Has the Centre Party changed its arguments on nuclear power?

    - Has the Centre Party’s Youth League changed its policy and its arguments on nuclear power?

    - Has the Centre Party’s Women’s Association changed its policy and its arguments on nuclear power?

    - Have the prospects of success for the Centre Party’s policy on nuclear power changed:a, in the electoral arena?b, in the parliamentary arena?c, in the internal arena?

    The research has been made from political and environmental programs as well as some newspaper articles and interviews. Motions on nuclear power to the Centre Party’s assembly have also been studied. The essay makes it plain that the Centre Party has changed its ideology on nuclear power. The fundamental values have changed as well as the recommended action. The main arguments are still the same and have not changed, however a few of the arguments from the earlier time period are no longer used. The Centre Party’s Youth League has been going through the biggest change and is today even in favour of uranium mining in Sweden whereas the Centre Party’s Women’s Association has changed from a strong commitment into a lack of a policy on their own. Earlier there was a strong sense of consensus in the Centre Movement. Today there are all kinds of views on nuclear power within the movement. The policy of today has good prospects of success in the parliament and among voters but is problematic within the party.

    Remaining research fields are to further examine the internal opinions on nuclear power, especially within the Youth League and the Women’s Association. Another field is to study whether the change has been influenced by special interests in trade and industry. A further examination of the concept of change would also be clarifying. 

  • 10.
    Andersson, Niklas
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Lissabon Fördraget: Värnet mot Globaliseringen?2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

     

    Dissertation in political science, C-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2009. Tutor: Arne Larsson

    “The Treaty of Lisbon – The Defence against Globalization?”

    In the modern world globalization have undermined the nation-state and left it without the right measurements to adequately deal with the social and economic unrest that follows in its way. The states, built on contract theories, have an obligation to protect its citizens from the state of nature which seems to have failed as globalization has changed the rules.

    The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the contract theories of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Rawls to identify the elements of a state and create a modern and ideal contract theory. The treaty shall then be used on the Treaty of Lisbon as it can be seen as a contract between the European states to create an entity in the shape of the European Union with the power to defend Europe from the unrest created by globalization.

    My question for this was as follows:

    Is the new treaty for the European Union acceptable as a new social contract according to the social contract theories?

    During my research the following criteria’s for a social contract was found:

    1. A legislative branch 2. An executive branch 3. A judicial branch 4. The Right to taxation

    5. A centralized educational system 6. The right to property 7. Equalizing redistribution system 8. The right to leave the contract.

    The first four is essential in creating a state and are the primary criteria’s for its existence while the other four is determining the character of the state that is created and are therefore not essential in the creation of the state and are consequently secondary criteria’s in a states creation.

    The answer to the question is no, as the Treaty of Lisbon first of all don’t give the Union the right of taxation on its citizens and secondly, the Union are not given the mandate to act for an educational or an equalizing redistributive system. Without these criteria’s the EU don’t have the possibility to quickly act on its own to deal with urgent problems that rises from the negative aspects of globalization.

  • 11.
    Andersson, Niklas
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Samhällen i Kris: När Washington Tar Över2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Dissertation in political science, D-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2010. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion

    “Societies in Crisis – When Washington Take Over”

    An economic meltdown wreaks havoc on the world and has plunged the Western world into a spiral of economic stimulus in order to keep their way of life intact. At the same time the same institutions that support these countries have had another agenda for more unfortunate and less influential countries where nothing has been free and everything been to a price of self-sacrifice in order to get the consent of the IMF and the World Bank. Everything according to the points stated in the so called Washington Consensus.

    The purpose of this dissertation is to research what impact the Washington Consensus has on the state in terms of power over the market and sovereignty. This shall be done by examining the points of the Consensus and then delve into the IMF and World Bank’s own program in four countries, Argentina, Russia, Kenya and the Republic of Korea. The findings shall then be compared to the Andersson Contract, a social contract theory summary showcasing the ideal liberal state, to determine if the Consensus gives enough room for the state to act against the market. This shall also be backed up with theories on economics from Adam Smith and Karl Polanyi in order to strengthen the comparison on the economic issues.

    The research question thus for the dissertation are:

    Which institutions and features does the Washington Consensus highlight as necessary for a state? Is the state they proposes to weak to uphold society according to the social contracts?

    According to the research there are parts of the Washington Consensus that fits the social contract and should therefore in theory be able to maintain a level of social dignity and be able to take part in the positive effects of the market. Other parts on the other hand show that some crucial institutions lack certain strength in order to be able to keep the free market in check, but they still exist. Therefore the answer to the question is that it’s ambiguous as all the necessary institutions exist, but some of them need to be strengthened in order to make sure the market remains free as well as the countries should be able to choose their own way to economic welfare.

  • 12.
    Andersson, Robin
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Påverkar internetcommunities det politiska engagemanget: En analys utifrån tribaliseringsteori2008Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Something is happening in the world today. The participation in the Swedish elections used to be over 90 %, but has drastically decreased, primarily among first time voters. The memberships are declining among both political parties, as well as within non-governmental organizations. But why?

    The purpose of this paper is to test if the sociological theory of neo-tribalisation can explain the decreasing commitment, in the form of internet communities. The research is based upon the hypothesis: youths will seek themselves to Maffeolis tribes, witch will lead to fewer youths in political organizations. The hypothesis was tested using statistical analysis of members in political organizations and compared with posts on the community Lunarstorm.

    The result of the analysis was that the hypotheis can not be said to be true, but therefore not dismissed. Something new is awakening, that we do not fully understand or comprehend yet. So the final analysis is that more studies needs to be carried out to get the final awnser to the question: are the youth of today being tribalized?

  • 13.
    Andréason, Melker Olof William
    Karlstad University.
    Är det "bara käbbel"?: En undersökning av debattklimatet mellan partiledare i Agenda Debatt 8 oktober 20172018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the climate of discussion between party leaders of

    Swedish political parties. The method used to carry out this task is a statistical analysis of

    "Agenda Debatt", the most viewed debate on Swedish television. The statistical analysis is based

    on deliberate democracy-theory, more specifically Fishkin and Luskin's definition of the ideal

    debate. Fishkin and Luskin's 5 principles for ideal debate will be operationalized and thus make

    up the foundation for the statistical analysis. The results of the analysis will in turn be the

    foundation for a qualitative discussion, which aims to answer the research question: "How can

    the Swedish climate of discussion between political party leaders in 'Agenda Debatt' be described

    from a deliberate democracy perspective?" The research question was answered, and the climate

    of discussion could be described as poor from a deliberate democracy perspective.

  • 14.
    Arkbro, Johannes
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (starting 2013), Department of Political, Historical, Religious and Cultural Studies (from 2013).
    Cirkulär ekonomi ur ett grönt vänsterperspektiv: - En analys av Miljöpartiets och Vänsterpartiets klimatprogram2019Student paper other, 5 credits / 7,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna B-uppsats handlar om hur de två svenska riksdagspartierna Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet ser på begreppet cirkulär ekonomi. Cirkulär ekonomi innebär att naturresurserna behålls i samhällets kretslopp istället för att bli avfall. Uppsatsen grundar sig på två klimatpolitiska program av dessa partier från 2015 och 2017. De två klimatprogrammen har valts ut för att de är från ungefär samma tidsperiod och båda ganska nyligen utgivna, vilket gör att de kan bedömas någorlunda likvärdiga.

       Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur partierna ser på begreppet cirkulär ekonomi, vad de presenterar för förslag och lösningar för hur cirkulär ekonomi ska uppnås samt vilka inslag av ekologism som syns i klimatprogrammen. Detta mynnar ut i frågeställningen:

    -        På vilka sätt finns det uttryck för ekologism i Miljöpartiets och Vänsterpartiets klimatprograms stycken om Cirkulär ekonomi?

       Den metod som används är en kvalitativ idéanalys kompletterat med en kortare kvantitativ ordräkning. Den kvalitativa metoden analyserar idéer från de två klimatprogrammen och jämför dem med utifrån ideologin ekologism. Uppsatsen använder sig även av en teoretisk modell från boken Ekologisk politik av Jönsson, Erik, Andersson, Elina (red). Den hämtar också sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i ideologin ekologism.

       Analysen visar att båda partiernas klimatprogram innehåller spår av stark hållbarhet. Den visar också exempel på ekologism i båda klimatprogrammen. Slutsatserna landar i att det inte är så stor skillnad på utformningen av de två partiernas politik på området Cirkulär ekonomi.

  • 15.
    Arvidsson, Mattias
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (starting 2013), Department of Political, Historical, Religious and Cultural Studies (from 2013).
    Hur yttrar sig politisk konflikt i Sverige?: - En argumentationsanalys2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 16.
    Axelsson, Mikael
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Stärkta av konflikten?: EU:s försvarspolitiska samarbete efter Irakkrisen2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to examine whether the EU’s defence policy cooperation has strengthened since the Iraqi war to avoid the ESDP being paralyzed in the future by differing preferences of its member states. This leads to my main research question: Has the EU’s defence policy cooperation strengthened since the Iraqi war?

    Drawn upon theories of Michael H. Smith and Michael E. Smith I’ve constructed a theoretical framework that puts institutionalization as the independent variable and cooperation as the dependent variable. By using M.H. Smith’s “layers on cooperation” I’ve been able to examine the objectives, institutional capacity and possibilities to cooperate. Michael E. Smith’s “stages of institutionalization” have been used to examine possible changes of institutionalized cooperation.

    From this theoretical framework, I’ve formulated two specific research questions that will help me answer my main question. These are, 1) has the EU’s defence policy cooperation been institutionalized since the Iraqi war?, and 2) has the unity between the objectives, the institutional capacity, and the possibilities to cooperate improved since the Iraqi war?

    Furthermore, I’ve used this theoretical framework to compare the cooperation on two points in time; 1) at the outbreak of the Iraqi war in March 2003, and 2) the present time, spring 2006. Based on the principles and general guidelines for the cooperation, I’ve examined the military aspects of ESDP at these points in time.

    The answers to my specific research questions are that the cooperation has institutionalized since the Iraqi war. However the unity among the layers has deteriorated since only the layer of ideas has institutionalized. This means that the defence policy cooperation hasn’t strengthened since the Iraqi war.

  • 17.
    Badian, Reza A.
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Norway and Sweden - allies in the war in Afghanistan: A study of Norway´s and Sweden´s foreign policy regarding involvement in Afghanistan2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

                       

    “Norway and Sweden- allies in the war in Afghanistan”

    A study of Norway’s and Sweden’s foreign policy regarding involvement in Afghanistan

     

    This thesis intends to identify Sweden’s and Norway’s Afghan policies and to explore how these policies can be explained through perspectives of both realism and liberalism.

    Study intends to use theories within realism and liberalism to investigate if an overall strategy behind Afghan policies can be identified. The study is based on qualitative-comparative analysis of Swedish and Norwegian foreign policy statements, delivered by Ministers of Foreign Affairs in each of the two countries in question.

    The results of the study indicate that Afghan policies of both Norway and Sweden are a mixture of both realist and liberal policies with preponderance of liberal policies.

    Use of military force as an indication of realism’s ultima ratio in international politics and liberal policies towards Afghanistan as indications of liberalization process of a non-liberal state.

    These two theoretical perspectives can be regarded as a continuum as opposed to two discontinuous opposite poles, when analyzing Afghan policies of Norway and Sweden.

    International liberalism is argued to be the overall strategy that is driving the Afghan policies of Norway and Sweden forward.

     

     

    Key words: Norway’s Afghan policy, Sweden’s Afghan policy, realism, liberalism, liberalization process, security community, liberal internationalism.

  • 18.
    Baldebo, Chris
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Kvinnors villkor i kommunalpolitiken i Karlstads kommun: sex politiker berättar2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

     

    Essay in political science, C-level by Chris Baldebo spring semester 2010. Tutor: Arne Larsson. “Women’s conditions in municipal politics in the municipality of Karlstad - Six politicians tell”.

     

    The purpose of this paper is to explore women’s conditions in the municipal political work in the municipality of Karlstad. Based on the objective, one research question is formulated: How is women’s political acting space limited on the basis of gender power relations in local politics in the municipality of Karlstad? To be able to say something about the women’s conditions my approach has been to interview six active local politicians to collect empirical data to analyze from Maria Höjer Wendts & Cecilia Åses theorizing about women and politics, and Yvonne Hirdmans theory of a gender system.

    My conclusions are that women’s political room for maneuver is limited in several ways in municipal politics in Karlstad. Foremost it is a restriction by various prevailing beliefs about the characteristics men and women are supposed to have and should have, and which behaviors that are legitimate in the local political process. These become the norm for their genders and contribute to various social practices are created and maintained. There is also a clear male dominance in terms of speaking in various political forums, where men to a higher extent compared with women are talking. Therefore women do not have the same opportunity to exercise half the real power when they are subjected to oppressive treatment, while local politicians are characterized by the male norm from which women are not valued as highly. The municipal politicians in the municipality of Karlstad (at various levels) is thus far from equal, although the lack of gender varies in different degrees depending on the forum politicians find themselves in.

  • 19.
    Behnam, Beyan
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences. Karlstad University.
    Turkiets väg mot ett EU-medlemskap: En studie utifrån socialkonstruktivismens perspektiv på mänskliga rättigheter2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 15 credits / 22,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    This essay deals with the relationship between the EU – Turkey. The aim is to examine how the EU thinks of Turkey on human rights in the light of social constructivism. My questions can be summed to the EU views on Turkey about human rights, what criteria should Turkey fulfill to become a member of the EU and how described Turkey’s relations with EU from a perspective on social constructivism.

    My analysis and my conclusions drawn from Thomas Risse’s and Kathryn Sikkink’s theory of social constructivism in which they have compiled this by a spiral model.

     

    Keywords: EU, Turkey, human rights, social constructivism

  • 20.
    Bergkvist, Karolina
    et al.
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Kirlić, Nedim
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Nationalism, främlingsfientlighet och islamofobi i politiken: En studie av fyra europeiska partier2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 21.
    Bergström, Liza
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences.
    Political Participation: A qualitative study of citizens in Hong Kong2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    “Political participation”

    - A qualitative study of citizens in Hong Kong

    Thesis in Political Science, D-level

    Author: Liza Bergström

    Tutor: Michele Micheletti

    On July 1, 1997 China resumed its sovereignty over Hong Kong. Ever since long before the handover until today scholars ask whether and how the changes in Hong Kong’s political status are affecting politics in Hong Kong. This paper is situated in this on-going academic debate. Its purpose is to investigate whether system changes are affecting the participation of citizens in politics in Hong Kong.” It asks: What, if anything, has the new political situation meant for the political participation in Hong Kong?

    Two perspectives have been used to answer the purpose, a structural approach and an actor-oriented approach. Five research questions have served as the starting point for my analysis and I have answered the general question on the basis of them.

    1. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe they have the ability to participate in politics, that the political system facilitates their participation in politics?

    2. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe that China tries to repress Hong Hong’s political rights?

    3. How do the citizens of Hong Kong participate in politics?

    4. How do the citizens of Hong Kong view their own political participation?

    5. Do the citizens of Hong Kong object to the political situation in Hong Kong?

    Empirical materials for this study have been collected in qualitative interviews with six citizens of Hong Kong, that is people who are Hong Kong Chinese. The conclusion is that the new political situation has not meant a lot for the political participation in Hong Kong. The answer of the general question from a structural approach is that the political system to a certain extent prevents the respondents from participating politically. On the basis of the actor-oriented approach the answer to the general question is that the new political situation has not meant anything for the political participation in Hong Kong.

  • 22.
    Björk, Stefan
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences. Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Kultur kontra regler: En fallstudie av omorganisering i offentlig sektor2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis examines the subject of change in public administration from an instrumental and an institutional structure perspective. The purpose of the thesis is to examine whether institutional structures affect the development of instrumental structures and if it in turn is possible to affect institutional structures by changing the instrumental structures. This case study is primarily based on a series of deep interviews with senior administrators and politicians within two new administrations in the municipality Karlstad, both which have been created by merging several smaller administrations, but also thorough analysis of several official document such as protocols from the municipal council meetings, Tjänsterskrivelser and internal PMs.   The result of the analysis indicates that both institutional structures and the forming instrumental structures affect each other and  that their ability to affect each other depends on the dominance over the organization each structure has.  In my specific research case we can see that the institutional structure of the city-technical and housing administration has affected the outcome but the institutional structure of the cultural and tourism administration hasn’t.  While the structural change of the city-technical and housing administration hasn’t effected the institutional structure but the structural change of the cultural and tourism administration has affected the institutional structure of this specific administration.

  • 23.
    Björkegren, Ylva
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Sida ur ett lilberalfeministiskt perspektiv: Finns jämställdhetsidéer av liberalfeministiskt slag i Sidas bistånds - och utvecklingspolitik?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 20 points / 30 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Essay in Political Science, C – level, by Ylva Björkegren, spring semester 2008. Tutor: Anna Spånning. “Sida from a liberal feministic perspective. Are there gender equality-ideas of liberal feministic kind in Sidas aid – and development policy?”

    The purpose of this essay is to study if Sidas aid – and development policy reflect gender equality. I aim to do this by applying liberal feministic thoughts on gender and development. Liberal feminism is here seen as that men and women should have the same responsibilities and rights in all spheres of society. My research question is as follows: Are there gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy?

    Connected to this question are three variables: Entrepreneurship, Ownership and Education. By examining if Sida promotes gender equality in their work within these variables I aim to answer my research question. I examine this by counducting interviews with Sida-personnel and by, with a qualitative approach, studying Sida-documents and publications.

    I perform this research by conducting a comparative case – study; I compare and study Bangladesh and Ethiopia within these variables.

    I also conduct a general discussion on wether these variables can have an effect on the level of development in these countries. Development is in this essay expressed through three indexes; Human Development Index, Gender – related Development Index and Gender Empowerment Measure.

    My delimitation lies in the fact that I only compare two countries. I believe that I would get a more generalizable result if I would have compared say all fifty LDC-countries. The fact that I only study three variables is also a delimitation.

    The answers to my research question is that Yes – there are gender equality-ideas of liberalfeministic kind in Sidas aid- and development policy. I have also found that my variables are variables that are likely to have an influence on the level of development. I am also very well aware of the fact that there are lots of other variables, that I have not examined, which also have that influence on development.

    Key words: gender, gender equality, development, entrepreneurship, ownership, education, Bangladesh, Ethiopia

  • 24.
    Björling, Ameli
    Karlstad University. Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    CSR och politisk konsumtion: - en studie av Nikes och Pumas CSR- rapporter2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    “CSR and political consumption – a study of Nike’s and Puma’s CSR-reports”

    The purpose of this dissertation is to examine if political consumption has influenced multinational corporations to improve their Corporate Social Responsibility reports and policies more, than a company who has not been a target for political consumption.

    This dissertation is a content analysis of Nike’s and Puma’s first (Nike 2001, Puma 2001) and latest (Nike 2007/09, Puma 2007/08) CSR- reports. Archie Carroll’s model of Corporate Social Responsibility is used as theoretical framework in this study. The model is used to focus on four areas within CSR; economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic. There has been delimitation in these four areas. Considering the economic area the study focuses on minimum wage, the legal area is focusing on minimum age, the ethical area is focusing on dialogue with stakeholders and control of suppliers and the philanthropic area is focusing on non-profit organization, projects and programs.

    The results indicate that political consumption in the case of Nike, has no impact on the company to improve their CSR-report but they have improved their policy against CSR. In comparison to Nike, Puma has changed more from the first report until the latest. This could be because it is more generally popular to work with CSR today. Compared to Puma, Nike has changed more considering their policy against CSR. 

    Keywords: Archie Carroll’s Pyramid of Corporate Social Responsibility, Change, Corporate Social Responsibility Report, Multinational Corporations, Nike, Policy, Political consumption, Puma

  • 25.
    Bozorgi, Ronak
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Attitudes and Adaptation Towards the EU: A Case Study of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 20 credits / 30 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study focuses upon the adaptation of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and Moderate Party towards the European Union. Adaptation is explored by examining attitudes the political parties have on different issues related to the EU. In other words it is assumed that adaptation is dependent on attitudes, amongst other things, and the attitudes are examined by studying officially expressed opinions by the parties in party programmes and in parliamentary protocols. By expanding the study to three years possible alterations in the attitudes can be detected and something can be said on the level of adaptation the parties show towards the EU in each research question. The questions are (1) Should Sweden take an active part in developing the European integration process?, (2) Is it believed that participation in international collaboration provides output benefits that the nation state no longer can provide?, (3) Is pooling of sovereignty problematic?, (4) Is military non-alignment important for Sweden? and (5) Is it important that Sweden participates in a common European security policy? The three years of research are 1995, 2006 and the first half of 2010. Two of the questions are developed by utilising the fusion perspective, that is a part of the fusion approach, which is also the theoretical framework of this study.

    The findings of this study show that both the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party experience attitudinal alterations in almost all the questions investigated. This causes some shifts in their level of adaption towards the European Union. Furthermore the results show that the Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party are adapted towards the Union in most of the years researched.

  • 26.
    Bozorgi, Ronak
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Den finansiella nedgångens påverkan för politikers aktivitet: En studie av LiV2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Essay in political science, C-level, by Ronak Bozorgi, fall semester 2007. Tutor:

    P.O. Norell. “The affect of financial decline on politician’s activity. A study of LiV.”

    The purpose of this essay is to examine if financial decline affect the activity of the politicians. It is important to shed light on politician’s activity since it is connected to the principal of representation. I study if the decline affects the activity in a specific case, landstinget i Värmland (LiV), and my method is thereby a case study. Activity is measured as raising bills and more precisely I measure three aspects of this particular form of activity. The aspects lead to the specific questions (1) Does financial decline lead to fewer raised bills in the case landstinget i Värmland? (2) Dose financial decline affect the characteristic of the bills in the case landstinget i Värmland? (3) Dose financial decline affect how the politicians in the bills express there own representative roll in the case landstinget i Värmland?

    The theoretical framework is based on theories about financial problems (besparingsteorier) and their hypothesis that financial decline leads to a lower degree of activity is in focus for analyse of the first question. The technique I use to answer the questions is to examine the financial situation parallel to the numbers of bills raised, the characteristic of the bills and the roll expressed in the bills. In this way it will be reviled if the aspects do change at a decline or not. For the empirical part of the study I use primary sources in the form of economic accounts and bills. Other sources are academic literature, a rapport and oral sources between others. The two most important delimitations of the study is the time frame which reaches from the year 1982 up to 2007 and the fact that activity is measured at raising bills.

    My conclusion is that financial decline does affect the activity of the politicians in the case landstinget i Värmland, but that the hypothesis of the theories about financial problems is falsified. The decline does not lead to fewer raised bills (the empirical results indicate the opposite), it does affect the characteristics of the bills and it also affect how the politicians express their representative roll.

  • 27.
    Broman, Anders
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Department of Politics and History.
    Att göra en demokrat?: Demokratisk socialisation i den svenska gymnasieskolan2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study focuses upon the extent that teaching about democracy affects pupil comprehension and opinions about democracy. Its point of departure is the question, “to what extent is school an agent of democratic socialization?” The overall aim of this study is to contribute to understanding the democratic socialization process and especially to understand the role that school can play in that process.

     

    The study is comprised of a survey about democratic values, democratic institutions and democratic authorities completed by 318 upper secondary pupils upon two occasions. The first was just prior to the start of the course, “Samhällskunskap A” and the second was at the end of that course. The survey also included a number of background questions related to each individual participant; 28 pupils in one of the schools who had not yet studied “Samhällskunskap A” were used as a control group. Twelve teachers involved in actual teaching at that time were interviewed regarding their attitudes toward the official documents about democratic socialization and whether or not they saw the goals as articulated in those documents as possible to achieve.

     

    Based upon theories about democratic socialization and socialization agents, a number of conditions and problems were formulated and operationalized in order to analyse the outcome of the study. Three main concepts were used as analytical tools: democratic orientations, democratic socialization and socialization agent.

     

    The results do not support the assumption that school can be seen as a general democratic socialization agent through teaching about politics and democracy. But certain situations and aspects of democratic orientations demonstrate that the school has a tendency to affect socialization; therefore school is seen as a specific democratic socialization agent. The main conclusion of this study is that teaching about politics and democracy is expected to have limited influence on pupils in upper secondary school. Also important is the finding that the pupil’s average change on the aggregate level is low, but on individual level, many pupils made significant changes regarding their democratic orientations during the course. The results support a view that the process of democratic socialization is a complex process and is difficult to predict.

  • 28.
    Bryntesson, Anna
    Karlstad University.
    Unga Kommunpolitiker: Varför blir vissa unga kommunpolitiker, hur upplever de att det är och vad tycker de ska göras för att engagera fler unga inom politiken?2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    C-essay in political science by Anna Bryntesson

    Supervisor: Michele Micheletti

    Spring 2006

    “Young municipality politicians - Why some young people become municipality politicians, how they think it is and

    what they think should be done to engage more young people in politics?”

    The Swedish municipalities have problem with that they doesen´t have many politicians under 30 years. Many of the young people who become politicians drop out after a short while. The conclusion of this is that the Swedish municipalities have problems to engage young people in politics.

    The purpose of this essay is to study and try to find out what young people think about politics? This is done with personally interviews with 7 young municipality politicians from the municipality of Eda.

    The specific research questions are:

    • Who are they which became young municipality politicians?

    • What was the reason that they became politicians?

    • How do they look at municipality politics?

    • Which roll and function does the young people have as a municipality politician?

    • What do they think should be done to get more young people to engaged in politics and become a municipality politician?

    The young Eda politician is a girl living in a house in the country and she has middle education. Many of the young politicians in Eda has become politicians because their parents has asked them if the want to be a politician. They think that politics is hard but fun. Their roll is to look at think in a new way. Politicians need to go to schools and tell the kids in school what they do a a politician to try to make young people more intrested in politics. The teory that is more usually that men is engaged in politics than womans isn´t right in Eda. Because there among the young peolpe more womans than men are engaged.

  • 29.
    Börjeson, Filippa
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences. Karlstad University.
    Att förstå omorganisationer: En studie av det svenska krisberedskapsområdet 2000-2010 2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 30.
    Carbin, Maria
    et al.
    Umeå universitet.
    Rönnblom, Malin
    Umeå universitet.
    Jämställdhet i akademin: En avpolitiserad politik2012In: Tidskrift för Genusvetenskap, ISSN 1654-5443, E-ISSN 2001-1377, no 1/2, p. 77-97Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 31.
    Denk, Thomas
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences.
    Värmland och euron: Studie om de värmländska väljarnas ställningstagande i och inställning till EMU-folkomröstningen2004Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Den 14 september 2003 genomfördes folkomröstningen om införandet av euron i Sverige. Resultatet blev ett klart nej. Det fanns emellertid regionala skillnader i väljarnas ställningstagande. Väljare i en del län röstade i större utsträckning på jaalternativet, medan väljare i andra län var mer kritiska än genomsnittet. Ett av dessa kritiska län var Värmland. Varför fanns denna regionala skillnad i väljarnas ställningstagande?

    I denna studie analyseras de värmländska väljarnas ställningsstagande i EMU-folkomröstningen. Vilka argument hade de värmländska väljarna för sitt ställningstagande? Vilken betydelse hade partisympatier? Påverkade kampanjen inför folkomröstningen väljarnas ställningstagande? Hur intresserade var väljarna? Fanns det skillnader mellan grupper? Vilken betydelse hade identitet och förtroende för deras ställningstagande? Studien uppmärksammar också folkomröstning som beslutsmetod. Vad tyckte väljarna om folkomröstningen? Vilken inställning till folkomröstning som beslutsmetod hade väljarna?

    Folkomröstningen om införandet av euron i Sverige blev dramatisk. Ett par dagar före folkomröstningen avled dåvarande utrikesministern Anna Lindh av de skador som hon fick i samband med ett knivöverfall dagen före. Vilken betydelse fick denna dramatiska händelse för väljarna? Studien analyserar händelsens betydelse för de värmländska väljarnas valdeltagande, ställningstagande och inställning till folkomröstningen.

  • 32.
    Dobrota, Nenad
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    The Palić Process: Post-conflict impunity and national interests2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Essay in political science, D-level by Nenad Dobrota

    Spring 2008, Tutor: Hans Löden

    The Palić Process

    Post-conflict impunity and national interests

    Since the beginning of the conflict in former Yugoslavia, war crimes issues in the newly emerged countries have been dealt with in a matter more closely related to the nationality of perpetrators and victims than to the pursue of transitional justice. Result of early war crimes judgements show strong ethnical bias in the three examined countries, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia. At the same time, existing national constitutional and legislative bans in the three bordering countries prohibiting direct extradition of nationals and transfer of cases regarding serious crimes has rendered a milieu where impunity for war crimes suspects is possible. This regional challenge is known as the Impunity Gap.

    During late 2004, OSCE instigated cross-border cooperation between war crimes prosecutors and judges known as the Palić Process emerged, focusing on the resolution of the Impunity Gap by legal and technical means.

    Drawn upon the theories of Martha Finnemore on forming of national interest thru a process of socialisation and convergence in accordance with the overall context of ruling international values, where Humanitarian Law and Transitional Justice have become dominating ideas during the last decades, I seek to examine the following question;

    Is the Palić Process, as a means of bridging the Impunity Gap, imposed or self-sought cross-border cooperation?

    My conclusions, stemming from the examined national motives going into the process, the results and the institutionalization of the process, and the perceived satisfaction level among the regional prosecutors dealing with war crimes, is that although humanitarian law issues are high on the international agenda and although regional cooperation is a natural step in the persecution of war crimes committed in former Yugoslavia, other reasons than converging national interest have been propelling the process. Its instigation and functioning can primarily be ascribed to domestic or international pressures combined with linking of central strategic goals of the regional states with the issues of rule of law and war crimes proceedings.

  • 33.
    Dobrota, Nenad
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Time standing still?: Mänskliga rättigheter i Serbien 20062007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Essey in political science, C-level by Nenad Dobrota

    Spring 2007, Tutor: Anders Broman

    Time standing still?

    Human rights in Serbia 2006

    The aim of this essay is twofold; I will firstly describe and discuss human rights practices in Serbia during 2006 and secondly use this information in order to explain the motives behind the human rights violations being committed.

    Using a theorethical framework that has grown out of two decades of research seeking the factors behind human rights crimes throughout the world, I will try to explain the current situation for human rights in Serbia. I will seek to answer the following question;

    What reasons lie behind lingering human rights violations in Serbia?

    Based on the earlier quantitative research which points to the existance of three broad models for explaining human righs violations, I will brake down the overall question into three sub-questions

    Can the situation be explained through the use of political explanatory models?

    Can the situation be explained through the use of economic explanatory models?

    Can the situation be explained through the use of cultural/ideologic/psychologic explanatory models?

    I have constructed and specified several indicators belonging to each of the explanatory models that guided me through the empirical study to conclude a final answer. My conclusion is that the current situation is a combination of several factors, but that the political explanatory model has the highest accuracy rate in the case of Serbia. Its prime assumption of real or imagined threats causing a regime to try to supress and violate human rights is well in accordance with the Serbian regime and the current situation regarding the final status proposal for its province Kosovo.

  • 34.
    dofs, elin
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences.
    Demokratisk fred: Resultatet av FN-interventioner ur ett demokratiskt perspektiv2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The UN was established after the Second World War. The organization’s primary goal was to maintain peace among all nations. When the UN intervenes in other states affairs, it is violat-ing the principles it is set to defend, principles of non-intervention and respect for sover-eignty. The outcome from such interventions is very important, a result that can legitimize the action. It is important that interventions give birth to democratic processes and respect for human rights, values that constitute the organisation.

    Why some countries go to war and others don’t is hard to say but one thing can be said about war – democratic states don’t wage war against each other. Thus, democracy would be a guarantee for mutual peace among all nations.

    The purpose of this essay is to find out if the prospects for democracy, as result of UN-interventions, were fulfilled. Did the interventions created conditions for democracy in the future.

    • Did the interventions result in a democratic process?

    • Is there something special in comment for countries with a similar democratic develop-ment?

    • Can the current situation legitimize the actions?

    Cease studies, comparisons between intensions of democracy and the current situation, is one way to find an answer to the question mentioned above and will correspond to the purpose of this essay. In order to see the whole picture I will use different criteria to define democracy.

    Democracy and UN-interventions (Karlstad University Press 2002), a disputation by Andreas Andersson, will be my starting point. He states that democracy is an aspect of interventions that many countries consider as most relevant for commitment and legitimacy.

    Not one of the countries can be called a democracy today and the situation for the people has not improved much. The result of the intervention can not give legitimacy to the action. The UN-interventions has consolidated the situation more than creating the necessary conditions for democracy.

    I could not through my research find anything specific that does unite or separate some of the cases. The only thing the countries of my essay have in comment is the lack of success from the UN-interventions, from a democratic point of view.

    The countries are facing many problems that disturb the democratic transition. Discrimination is one obstacle, there can not be a democracy when half of the population is being excluded from the political arena. Illiteracy and restriction of press freedom is an other problem, the Opposition can not reach out to people by newspapers, an important channel for exchange of opinions.

    Democracy in all areas of the community is a way to secure peace and should be a priority even for already democratic states. The next question to be answered, an invitation to further research, is: What do democratic states do in order to deepen and consolidate democracy within their own society?

  • 35.
    Engstig, Mikael
    et al.
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Björck, Anders
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Handeln i västra Värmland- ett förhållande i förändring: Retailing in western Värmland- a condition in change2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose with our paper is to examine some effects in a defined region surrounding “Charlottenbergs Shoppingcenter” witch opened in autumn 2006. The effects we have chosen to study are the effects on the flow of humans and capital. Our assumption is that a mall effects a region from a functional perspective. Our assumption is that a mall affects a region principally from the catchment area in witch the most part of the visitors, customers and employees lives in. The research questions concerning the effects on the flow of humans focus on housing and travelling for visitors, costumers and employees at the mall. The research questions concerning the effect on the flow of capital focus on establishment, relocations and close downs of shops and places of service. Our type of object of study, is relatively unique taking in concern the external conditions in form of a periphery sparsely-populated area and the national border, and for that reason relatively unresearched. For that reason we have chosen an explorative method to answer our research questions. We have studied literature, statistics, and done interviews and questionnaires. The result of our study is that “Charlottenbergs Shoppingcenter” has two functional regions the flow of humans. One functional region comprises customers and visitors, where the dominating part comes from the eastern parts of the county of Hedmark, Norway. The other functional region comprises the employees at the mall, where the dominating part comes from the municipalities of Eda and Arvika in Sweden.

  • 36.
    Ericsson, Daniel
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (starting 2013), Department of Political, Historical, Religious and Cultural Studies.
    Städer i konkurrens?: Diskurs och politisk strategi i tre svenska städer2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study puts emphasis on an international discourse describing how cities frequently compete against each other, and also describing factors that cities should enhance to make themselves more competitive. The discourse in this study has therefore been used to seek understanding how three different municipalities Borlänge, Karlstad and Malmö strive for growth by applying central factors from the discourse on the municipalities strategic documents. What the study shows is that the central factors from the discourse strongly imprints the strategic documents, but the presence of the factors varies between the municipalities and also to what meaning that lies behind the strategic goals.

  • 37.
    Eriksson, Bo-Josef
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Finns den universella moralen?: En fallstudie av en småstats utrikespolitik2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 points / 15 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    Essay in political science, C-level, by Bo-Josef Eriksson, spring semester 2007

    Tutor: Susan Marton

    ”Universal morality - does it exist? - A case study of small states foreign policy”

    The purpose of this essay is to examine how well does realism stand of against idealism when the focus of the study is on small states foreign policy? The essay takes it’s starting point at the debate between the two theories of international relations (IR). Realism is the theory that has had the most impact on the study of IR since the second world war. Idealism has been it’s greatest opponent and the debate is still active even up til this day.

    My case study of Danmarks foreign aid policy constitutes a worst critical case scenario for realism and therfore my assumptions were that idealism would be the theory that could explain the core-elements of the Danish foregin aid. Core-elements is the caracteristic of the different theory’s and the core-elements of idealism is the oposite of those of realism. The actual examination-material is the policy documnts of Danida. Danida stands for; Danish International Development Assistance, and it’s an department under the Danish ministry of foreign affairs.

    The answer to if Danida’s foreign aid policy is based on realistic or idealisti core-elements is that it is based on idealistic core-elements. So to answer the purpose realism didn’t stand that well of when the focus were on a small states foreign policy. The limitations of my study lies in the fact that it’s an qualitative research which means that you may have som problem with generalisations so to be able to say something about all small states there will have to be more research done in this particular area.

  • 38.
    Eriksson, Bo-Josef
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    The Swedish Social Democrats and Its Relation to the EU 2000-2008: -From a Perspective of Europeanization2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister), 15 points / 22,5 hpStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of the essay is to examine the Swedish Social Democrats (SAP) and its relation to the EU. The specific area of interest is the SAP in its relation to the process of the constitutional/reform treaty. The process period researched in this essay stretches from 2000-april 2008. The research question is, How has the SAP evolved in relation to the EU during the time period 2000 till 2008 and are there signs of external EU pressure changing the party behaviour or position?

    This case study has the methodological approach of a qualitative text analysis. The concept of Europeanization makes it possible to construct an analytical framework which measures possible impact from the EU on domestic political parties. This impact is measured in three different areas, first if the party is adapting its internal structure to ease its engagement with the EU, secondly if the party is adapting its policy because of the EU and thirdly in the area of patterns of party competition. With the analytical framework drawn from the concept of Europeanization it is possible to point at indicators that are signs of EU-impact. The SAP seems to have both a practical adaptation and a policy adaptation but it still remains somewhat EU-sceptical in the area of patterns of party competition. The conclusion is that there are quite massive amounts of evidence of possible EU-pressure on the SAP.

  • 39. Forsberg, Niklas
    Ordning och reda!: En ideologianalytisk studie över Folkpartiets skolpolitik mellan år 1990 och 20102011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the critically raised concern on whether the Liberal party of Sweden, in policies regarding the compulsory school, really represents a liberal policy or if it actually functions more as an ambassador for conservative ideals. An ideology analysis is employed for the purpose of answering the research question, which asks if the party’s changed viewpoint on the compulsory school between the years of 1990 and 2010 could be understood in terms of an ideological alternation. The analysis is carried out by an examination where the party’s policies are linked to common definitions of the two political ideologies, with the assistance of an analytical tool consistent of a series of educational philosophies. The philosophies are to be seen as a dictionary to “decipher” what the party really says in their agitated views on the compulsory school, and therefore used as a bridging entity for uniting opinions and policies specifically regarding school and education, to the wider scope of the political ideologies.The result of the study shows that, not only has an ideological alternation not taken place, but the analysis also came up with the findings that neither has a changed viewpoint on the compulsory school been deployed. Right from the first measure in time (year 1990) the party’s policies has, to the greater part, been characterized by conservatism. A result that prevails throughout the whole time span of the study.

  • 40.
    Frederiksen, Malin
    Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences. Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences.
    Hit men inte längre?: En studie av Mocambiques demokratisering2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 15 credits / 22,5 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 41.
    Fredén, Annika
    Lunds universitet; Göteborgs universitet.
    Coalitions, Coordination and Electoral Choice: A Lab Experimental Study of Strategic Voting2016In: Voting Experiments / [ed] André Blais, Jean-François Laslier, Karine Van der Straeten, Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2016, p. 191-213Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    When a voter chooses between large and small parties in a coalition, strategic reasons may be the tie-breaker. “Strategic voting” is often defined as a vote for another party than one’s most preferred one with the intention to affect the outcome of the election. The presence of coalitions can sometimes be argued to lead to less strategic voting, whereas others claim that coalitions create more strategic incentives. This chapter looks at how the relative strength of parties in a coalition affect voters’ tendency to vote strategically. Comparing two contexts with more or less uncertainty about which parties will make it to the parliament, the findings are that voters cast strategic votes for small parties to a greater extent when there are substantial size differences between the coalition parties. Individual expectations of parties’ likelihood of success are crucial to the decision making.

  • 42.
    Fredén, Annika
    et al.
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (starting 2013), Department of Political, Historical, Religious and Cultural Studies (from 2013). Göteborgs universitet.
    Sohlberg, Jacob
    Göteborgs universitet.
    Insurance strategic considerations in coalition-oriented systems: A consideration set model approach2018In: Electoral Studies, ISSN 0261-3794, E-ISSN 1873-6890, Vol. 57, p. 302-308Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    During a vote-decision process, citizens elect between some of the parties – not all of them. In this paper, we explore a potential strategic reason to include an additional alternative in the consideration set. Drawing on research from the field of strategic voting, we study incentives to defect to a party at risk of falling below an electoral threshold in order to elect a winning coalition (”insurance”). Our argument is that these types of strategic considerations occur already in the campaign, but do not always translate into choice. Using the so-called consideration set model approach (CSM), which focuses on how voters select fewer alternatives among a larger number of parties, we model vote choice over an election campaign using panel data from the Swedish National Election Studies of 2014. In line with our argument, we demonstrate that the insurance strategy was prevalent earlier in the decision-making process, when forming the consideration set.

  • 43. Fridolfsson, Charlotte
    et al.
    Elander, Ingemar
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Department of Politics and History.
    Amnå, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    FBOs and social exclusion in Sweden2009In: Faith-based organisations and social exclusion in European cities: national context reports / [ed] Danielle Dierckx, Jan Vranken, Wendy Kerstens, Leuven: Acco , 2009, p. 161-196Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 44.
    Glover, Leigh
    et al.
    University of Melbourne.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Adaptation to climate change as ecological modernisation: Australian experience2011Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    National policy approaches to adaptation to climate change in Australia are used to address a research inquiry into the political values of adaptation policies. This study examines whether this public policy response constitutes ecological modernisation and considers the implications. Ecological modernisation’s associations with neo-liberalism are reviewed and an account of key public policies is given. Particular attention is paid to maladaptation risks and the question of the possible influence of ecological modernisation in contributing to these risks. Key findings include that the Australian adaptation policy approach features ecological modernisation, that comprehensive-rational planning is used, and that ecological justice values are at risk

  • 45.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Alla talar om vädret: svenska kommuner, klimatförändringar och samverkan2006In: Kommunal ekonomi och politik, ISSN 1402-8700, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 9-35Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Climate change is one of the most challenging global issues today. Acknowledging no political or administrative borders it has to be tackled at all levels of society. This article focuses on how and to what degree Swedish municipalities cooperate with actors on different societal levels. How does politics, the levels of CO2 emissions and municipal resources affect the patterns of cooperation? The empirical material in this study is a survey conducted in the year 2005, a database with data from all Swedish municipalities, statistics from Statistics Sweden, the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions and the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency. Among the conclusions are that the municipalities are involved in multilevel governance but mainly with other municipalities or other public actors. Politics and resources matter while CO2 emissions have less explanatory-power concerning the municipalities activities in co-operations addressing climate change. The state plays an important role in stimulating municipalities to address the issue of climate change.

  • 46.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Almost like government ...2009In: Urban Policy and Research, ISSN 0811-1146, E-ISSN 1476-7244, Vol. 27, no 4, p. 333-336Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 47.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Från lokal välfärdsstat till stadspolitik: politiska processer mellan demokrati och effektivitet: vision Mälarstaden och Östra hamnen i Västerås2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The main aim of the thesis is to analyse the preconditions of contemporary Swedish city politics. The aim is reached through the answering of three questions; 1), what characterises contemporary Swedish city politics? 2), what contributes to the shaping and organisation of urban political processes in Sweden? 3), what problems and challenges are central to Swedish city politics?

    Based on interviews, documents and articles an empirical study of a Swedish city (Västerås) in its historical, national and international context is taken as a point of departure for reflections and conclusions with regard to the development of city politics and planning in Sweden. City politics in the studied city is analysed within the wider context of Swedish welfare state development and the international and global processes that have potential effects on national and city politics. The relationship between the historical development and urban politics is conceptualised by an approach where local actors act within structures that both constrain and enable action. Crucial concepts guiding the analysis are agenda, interests, representation, actors, democracy, planning, networks and legitimation.

    In conclusion the study shows how a specific urban process is influenced by courses of events at different societal levels, events that contribute to the formation of a contextual setting where the concrete actions are staged and played out. Global and international phenomena influence politics at the national level with consequences for the configuration of central-local relations and other preconditions of urban political processes. Urban politics occur within a framework that is favourable to the interests of some actors and negative to others. Thus, urban politics is deeply affected by extra-local determinants with substantial effects upon the urban environment. To survive and develop in a world ridden by such strong forces city politics faces the dual challenge of acting efficiently, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of local elites, while keeping its democratic legitimacy, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of all citizens.

  • 48.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Local Governance 'in Swedish'?: Globalisation, Local Welfare Government and Beyond2008In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 34, no 3, p. 363-377Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article local governance in the Swedish context is discussed. A case study of a Swedish city is framed in its historical, national and international context. By locating the redevelopment of an old harbour within a historical context, new insights are brought into the understanding of local governance. Cities are indeed nested. Deteriorating public finances, the deregulation of the economy (nationally and globally), the changed status of the welfare state, the restructuring of industry and the neo-liberal wave all taken together form a formidable challenge. A radical questioning of the values,

    principles and forms of the Swedish welfare state has tangible impacts on local governance. It is concluded that Swedish municipal actors face the dual challenge of acting efficiently (being sensitive to the needs and demands of local elites), while keeping democratic legitimacy (being sensitive to the needs and demands of all citizens).

  • 49.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Karlstad University, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (starting 2013), Department of Political, Historical, Religious and Cultural Studies.
    Local government, climate change and public-private interaction: The case or Örebro, Sweden2014In: Urbanization and Global Environmental Change - UGEC International Conference 2014: Contested agendas or aligned objectives? Intermediation and the role of non-state actors in the low carbon urban transition, Taipei: The Urbanization and Global Environmental Change (UGEC) , 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Climate change always manifests itself on the local arena and localities have to handle impacts of climate change. The policy and practice in the urban arena is central in relating global standards and knowledge, national and regional climate change scenarios/policies into particular action in specific contexts but also as a setting were new practices develop not necessarily related to top-down policies. Local governments’ responsibilities and climate change impacts intersect significantly with services for infrastructure and property services, planning and development, health and sanitation, community, building, facilities, culture, recreation facilities and water and sewerage.

    Local government in the city of Örebro (a city with 140 000 inhabitants in Sweden) is establishing windmill parks with the objective that local government will become self-sufficient. Local government does this through the creation of a company were private actors can buy shares and take part in the future development of the company and the local/regional energy market. The local government also runs a project were all public transport are running on biogas sourced from local feedstock. The aim is to facilitate a transition for households and business to biogas by creating and supporting a growing local/regional biogas market.

    In this paper we take a closer look at these policy practices. We will look at the political arguments and actual local government action in these two cases were the city´s local government interact with other societal actors (business and citizens) in efforts to create local/regional markets within two socio-technical systems (energy and transport). We will consider if this is a functional way to facilitate low carbon transitions within socio-technical systems. We will also consider how these endeavours is perceived by political actors (majority and opposition) and if any conflicting interests in the choice of the market pathway can be observed in political processes in the city.

  • 50.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Stadsplanering på entreprenad2005In: Spelet om staden / [ed] Gun Frank, Stockholm: Formas , 2005, p. 137-143Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
12345 1 - 50 of 205
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