In 2008, Sweden introduced a policy change to limit the number of days for sickness benefits (SB). This study aimed to elucidate the characteristics of those who reached the maximum entitlement period for receiving sickness benefits (MEPSB) and their future main source of income. Methods: All 5,309,759 individuals, aged 20–63 and residents of Sweden in 2009 were followed from July 2008 to July 2010 regarding SB-days and date of MEPSB and then categorised into three groups: I) no SB-days, II) ongoing SB-days, and III) MEPSB. Mean numbers of SB-days 2.5 years before and 2 years after the policy change and main source of income in 2011 were assessed. Associations between sociodemographic factors, occupation and paid work as main source of income were estimated by odds ratio (OR). Results: A total of 0.7% reached MEPSB in 2010. The mean numbers of SB-days before and after the policy change were higher in the MEPSB group than in the other two groups. In the MEPSB group, 14% had their main source of income from paid work in 2011; this was more common among women born in Sweden (OR = 1.29), people living with a partner and children (women OR = 1.29; men OR = 1.48), and those with occupations representing high educational levels. Conclusions: One out of seven individuals with MEPSB in 2010 had their main source of income from paid work in 2011, although they had a long-term SB before and after the policy change. Further research is warranted to address the long-term effects of this policy change.

By analysing how changes in social security systems are motivated, how they are implemented and what consequences they entail for the individual, this dissertation shows how ideological shifts within the Swedish work strategy are put into practice. The findings presented stress that the responsibility for exiting unemployment and/or sick leave has become increasingly a matter for the individual to handle on their own. This is done mainly by lowering the degree of economic and social support to individuals whilst being labour market absent, but also by neglecting investment in long-term efforts aiming to tackle the challenges of labour market absence. Instead, the political strategy is characterised by reducing labour market absence through increasing the supervision and control of individuals living on welfare allowance. The essence of this logic can be summarised by the idea that the individual must be disciplined, activated and, above all, compliant. Combined with a threat of economic sanctions, the individual is steered towards a flexible unemployed individual with the “right” attitude, thus more easily matching today’s pickier labour market. Where work in Sweden previously was a matter of the individual’s right, focus has shifted towards the obligation—in a more unconditional manner—to stand at the disposal of labour market needs and adjust to the demands placed there. This means that the essence of work in the Swedish welfare state has ultimately been transferred towards a more distinct disciplinary domain.

Att vi måste ”bekämpa arbetslösheten” och ”få bukt med sjukskrivningarna” hörs ofta i den politiska debatten. Forskningen som presenteras i denna avhandling framhåller emellertid att ansvaret för att ta sig ur arbetslöshet och sjukskrivning allt mer har förskjutits till individen att hantera på egen hand. Följden är att situationen för individer som står utanför arbetsmarknaden har blivit mer prekär samtidigt som vikten av individens egna förutsättningar att ta sig ur arbetsmarknadsfrånvaron fått ökad betydelse. Där arbete och försörjning tidigare var en tydligare rättighet för individen i välfärdsstaten har fokus förskjutits till att individen på ett mer villkorslöst sätt har en skyldighet att stå till arbetsmarknadens förfogande och anpassa sig till de krav som marknaden ställer. Arbetets funktion i dagens välfärdsstat antar därför tydligare formen av att ytterst vara en disciplinerande verksamhet.

Avhandlingen syftar till att förstå och förklara vilka idémässiga grunder som ansvarsförskjutningen i föreställningar om arbetsmarknadsfrånvaro bygger på samt visa på konsekvenserna härav för individ och samhälle. 

Artikeln belyser förändringar i yrkesutövande bland anställda på Arbetsförmedlingen, som kan härledas till en ideologisk förskjutning inom den svenska arbetslinjen. Artikeln analyserar hur arbetsförmedlarna förhåller sig till förändringarna samt hur de omsätter dessa till en yrkespraktik. Därvid blir konsekvenserna av politisk reglering för yrkesutövande och yrkesroll tydlig liksom balansgången mellan yrkets å ena sida (politiskt) ideologiska dimension och å andra sidan dess professionella dimension. 

Earlier research has shown that the Nordic Ghent systems seem to be weakened. The unemployment insurances administered by the unions have experienced a decline in numbers of members, very similar to the drop in trade union membership. This article takes its point of departure in previous research into the decline in the membership densities of unemployment insurances in several Nordic countries. The article examines these tendencies and focuses on a new and rather atypical example of organizing unemployment systems in a Nordic context, namely that of the Faroe Islands. Based on interviews and documentation analysis, the article describes the system extensively and argues conclusively that the Faroese unemployment insurance system is an example of the deeply rooted Nordic negotiation tradition, albeit in a new context in which the labor market parties stand united to ensure the system’s autonomy from political influence.