Using large samples of persons born in 1985, we investigate the relationship between characteristics of the neighborhood where young people lived as adolescents and the probability that they will receive social assistance when aged 19, 20, and 21, for the three Swedish metropolitan regions-Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmo. We estimated logistic regressions separately for the majority population and "visible immigrants" and included several characteristics of the neighborhood and of the parental home in the specification. The probability of social assistance receipt as a young adult is strongly positively linked to social assistance receipt in the parental home and to several other factors. The major result is that the association with social assistance receipt in the neighborhood where a person lived at age 16 remains strong when parental receipt and a number of other neighborhood characteristics are controlled for. We conclude that measures to increase the education qualifications and various efforts to create jobs for young adults have the potential to decrease social assistance receipt among young adults. In addition, there is also room for spatially focused measures aiming to reduce residential segregation and the demand for social assistance in locations with a comparably high rate of social assistance receipt.

In this paper, we investigate to what degree young adults live in neighbourhoods that are similar, in terms of relative average household income, to the neighbourhoods in which they grew up. We use regression analysis on register data for all individuals who were born in 1974 and lived in metropolitan Sweden in both 1990 and 2006. During this period, the distribution of income in Sweden became far more unequal, unemployment rose dramatically, earlier housing policies were dismantled, the share of ‘visible minorities’ increased dramatically, and residential segregation increased very considerably. We find a correlation between average neighbourhood incomes at these two points in the sample's life cycle of 0.44, which is more than three times as high as the household income correlation. We also find that half of the children of ‘visible minorities’ grew up in the poorer quartile of neighbourhoods, and of these, almost two-thirds remained in the poorest quartile of neighbourhoods as adults. Several measures indicate that intergenerational persistency in context is lower in metropolitan Sweden than was found in a similar study in the US. However, it appears that if visible minority individuals lived in a neighbourhood in the lowest part of the distribution in Sweden as a child, the probability that they will do so also as adults is as high as the corresponding probability for an African-American person in the US.

In high-income countries, not completing secondary school often entails a high risk of social exclusion. Using data on young adults born in 1985 who grew up in metropolitan Sweden, we study factors associated with not graduating from upper-secondary school at age 21. Our hypothesis is that if a young person sees examples of people who are not able to earn a living despite having a long education, such negative examples are influential. Results from estimated logistic models are consistent with the hypothesis.

Using large samples of persons born in 1985 we investigate the relationship between theneighbourhood where young people grew up and the probability that they will receive socialassistance when aged 19 to 21, for the three Swedish metropolitan regions - Stockholm,Gothenburg and Malmö. We also investigate to what extent use of social assistance receiptand other parental characteristics affect the probability of social assistance receipt as a youngadult. Logistic regressions are estimated for the majority population and “visible minorities”.A main result is that the rate of social assistance receipt in the neighbourhood has a sizableeffect on the probability of receiving social assistance as a young adult. We discuss severalpossible explanations for this. We also find that the probability of receiving social assistanceis negatively correlated with having completed secondary school and positively correlatedwith having become a young mother. The probability of social assistance receipt is stronglypositively linked to social assistance receipt in the parental home and negatively linked toincome in the parental home. Having parents with long educations decreases the probabilityof receipt for the majority population while among “visible minorities” it does not thoughreceipt decreases by year since immigration.

idigare forskning har påvisat diskriminering av invandrare vid anställning, att invandrare har lägre löner än jämförbara infödda och att högutbildade invandrare oftare än infödda har arbeten som inte kräver högre utbildning. Vi undersöker om detta gäller även för invandrare som kommit till Sverige som barn och alltså har fått sin högsta utbildning i Sverige. Vi finner att de trots detta har lägre lön och lägre utbildningsavkastning än anställda med Sverige­födda föräldrar. I båda dessa avseenden missgynnas i synnerhet de från Afrika, Asien och Latinamerika. Barn från “arbetskraftsinvandringsländer” som Turkiet och Sydeuropa har också lägre lön än jämförbara infödda men inte lägre utbildningsavkastning. Att ha högre utbildning än yrket normalt kräver är vanligare bland barndomsinvandrarna än bland infödda men har mindre betydelse för löneskillnaden än den låga utbildningsavkastningen.

We analyse full-time monthly wages of employees with parents born in Sweden and of childhood immigrants who arrived before the end of compulsory school-age. We use a detailed disaggregation of background countries, which shows considerable hetero­geneity, in overeducation, in returns to education and in birth-country coefficients, unexplained by wage models. Both the non-European childhood immigrants and of those from Southern Europe suffer a wage disadvantage relative to natives, men to a larger extent than women. Returns to education are generally lower for non-European childhood immigrants than for natives. Comparison with workers, who immigrated as adults, shows that the childhood immigrants of most nationalities run lower risk of being overeducated and have a smaller wage disadvantage. The child/adult immigrant difference is larger, the larger the disadvantage of the adult immigrants from a country of origin. But for male childhood immigrants from some of the labour transmitter countries, the risk of overeducation is larger than it is for adult immigrants and the difference in adjusted wages between childhood immigrants and adult immigrants also tends to be smaller than for other countries of origin.

We analyse full-time monthly wages of employees with parents born in Sweden and of childhood immigrants who arrived before the end of compulsory school-age. We use a detailed disaggregation of background countries, which shows considerable hetero­geneity, in overeducation, in returns to education and in birth-country coefficients, unexplained by wage models. Both the non-European childhood immigrants and of those from Southern Europe suffer a wage disadvantage relative to natives, men to a larger extent than women. Returns to education are generally lower for non-European childhood immigrants than for natives. Comparison with workers, who immigrated as adults, shows that the childhood immigrants of most nationalities run lower risk of being overeducated and have a smaller wage disadvantage. The child/adult immigrant difference is larger, the larger the disadvantage of the adult immigrants from a country of origin. But for male childhood immigrants from some of the labour transmitter countries, the risk of overeducation is larger than it is for adult immigrants and the difference in adjusted wages between childhood immigrants and adult immigrants also tends to be smaller than for other countries of origin.

Using unique survey data from the Russian industrial city Taganrog in 1989 and 1998, we analyse changes in the gender division of labour among gainfully employed women and men, pre- and post-transition. In Soviet Taganrog, dual earner families predominated, but nevertheless men were usually primary earners, while women did the bulk of housework. After transition, contrary to early predictions, aggregate female and male employment rates have declined to a similar extent but the time-use data indicate increased gender specialisation among the employed .Thus, the dual earner norm mainly remains but the pre-existing gender difference within it has increased considerably, particularly among couples with pre-school children